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Qatar World Cup audience projected at 5 billion, says FIFA boss

DAVOS, Switzerland — The 2022 World Cup hosted by Qatar is expected to be watched by five billion people around the world, International Federation of Association Football (FIFA) president Gianni Infantino said on Monday.

The TV audiences for the 2018 World Cup in Russia was a record-breaking 3.5 billion people.

Qatar, a small but wealthy Gulf Arab state, will host the first World Cup in the Middle East starting late November.

Its ruling Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani on Monday criticized attacks on Qatar by some people, “including many in positions of influence,” over its hosting of the event.

“Even today, there are still people who cannot accept the idea, that an Arab Muslim country, would host a tournament, like the World Cup,” he said in a speech at the World Economic Forum.

He said Qatar, like other states, was “not perfect” but has pushed reforms and development. Reforms include raising the minimum wage and new rules authorities say are designed to protect workers, including from heat stress.

Qatar has come under intense criticism from human rights groups over its treatment of migrant workers, who along with other foreigners comprise the bulk of the country’s population.

High profile soccer stars like England manager Gareth Southgate have raised concerns over the human rights of some fans traveling to Qatar, especially women and LGBT+ fans.

Homosexuality is illegal in Qatar. There are concerns over the status of women, some of whom need permission from a male relative to marry, work in government jobs and travel overseas.

Tournament organizers stress that everyone, no matter their sexual orientation or background, is welcome in Qatar, while also warning fans against public displays of affection.

Qatar has said its labor system is still a work in progress, and denied a 2021 Amnesty International report that thousands of migrant workers were still being exploited. — Reuters

Britain set to approve Abramovich’s sale of Chelsea

LONDON — Britain is set to approve the sale of Premier League soccer Chelsea to a consortium led by Los Angeles Dodgers part-owner Todd Boehly, a source familiar with the situation told Reuters, after owner Roman Abramovich gave assurances over the deal.

Russian Abramovich put the club up for sale in early March following his country’s invasion of Ukraine.

The British government demanded assurances that Abramovich, who was sanctioned following the invasion — which Moscow calls a special operation — will not benefit from the sale.

The London club earlier this month announced the £4.25-billion ($5.2 billion) deal with Boehly’s consortium, backed by Clearlake Capital, for the reigning European champions, subject to receiving the required approvals.

The UK government’s approval of the sale was being finalized on Monday night, the source said, though the deal also faces the need for EU approval, as Abramovich holds a Portuguese passport.

The Financial Times and the BBC were the first to report the pending approval of the sale by the government. — Reuters

Justin Thomas rises to no. 5 in world rankings

JUSTIN Thomas rose to No. 5 in the Official World Golf Ranking on Monday, climbing four spots following his win at the Professional Golfers’ Association (PGA) Championship.

Thomas, who has been No. 1 on two different occasions, had fallen to No. 9 entering last week. His come-from-behind victory at Southern Hills in Tulsa, OK, snapped a 14-month winless drought.

“I just think it’s just so hard to win,” Thomas said on Sunday. “Like, it is. I legitimately think it’s harder to win now than it was when I first came out on (the PGA) Tour just for the sake of the depth of the tour.

“I clearly haven’t won the amount of times that a lot of guys — not a lot; a handful of guys have this year. But I feel like I’ve played just as well as anybody on tour this year. I just haven’t had the trophies to show, and I’d fallen in the World Ranking, and that just kind of shows how strong it was or how strong the game of golf is.”

Will Zalatoris rose 16 spots to a career-high 14th in the world after falling to Thomas in a three-hole playoff. Zalatoris is still seeking his first career PGA Tour victory.

So, too, is Mito Pereira, the Chilean who double-bogeyed the 72nd hole while needing a par to win and a bogey to be part of the playoff. Pereira did vault 51 spots in the rankings to No. 49, climbing inside the coveted top 50 positions that qualify players for most every major worldwide event.

Thomas, 29, now has a pair of Wanamaker trophies on his resume along with the 2021 Players Championship. That had been his most recent victory before erasing a seven-shot deficit with a 67 on Sunday.

“I think it’s easy to start letting some doubt creep in and just kind of like, ‘all right, what’s going to happen, when is it going to happen, is it going to happen?’” Thomas said.

“I’m very fortunate right now that although there might be people ranked higher than me in the World Ranking, but at least in my eyes, I’m on top of the golfing world right now. And I’m very, very proud of that.” — Reuters

Nadal destroys Thompson to reach French Open second round

PARIS — Rafael Nadal showed no signs of pain as the 13-time French Open champion marched into the second round at Roland Garros with clinical 6-2, 6-2, 6-2 demolition of Australian Jordan Thompson on Monday.

The Spaniard, who had never arrived in Paris as unprepared as this year after a rib injury and a chronic foot problem hampered the buildup to his beloved Grand Slam tournament, was never bothered on a chilly court Philippe Chatrier.

“It’s incredible for me to play here again on Chatrier. I’m happy with this win. First round is always special,” said Nadal.

The 35-year-old, who has a record 21 men’s Grand Slam titles to his name, played down the chances of adding to his tally but his display was reminiscent of those of previous years.

Nadal broke for 2-1 with a backhand volley winner and his massive forehand helped him quickly move 4-1 up against an overwhelmed opponent.

The fifth seed looked to finish off some points quickly and made several unusual unforced errors, but they were of little consequence as he breezed through the opening set.

Nadal broke serve in the first game of the second set and again in the fifth and seventh as he started to play more neatly, bagging it with a service winner.

Thompson, who pulled a break back, looked completely worn out by then but managed to hold it together until 2-2, when Nadal broke with a forehand volley and won all the rest of the games. — Reuters

Momentum shift

It took the Heat exactly four minutes and four seconds before they were able to score a point off the stringent Celtics defense yesterday. For some reason, they failed to summon the same sense of urgency that marked their first-period explosion in Game Three; they put up 16 in the same timeframe, and then consolidated their fast start en route to a 39-marker output. Game Four was certainly different; by the time the quarter ended, they had just 11 to their name. Significantly, the 18-point deficit grew even larger at the half, all but ensuring the outcome of the low-scoring contest.

Considering how the Eastern Conference finals has progressed so far, yet another shift in momentum comes as no surprise. That said, it was fair to expect the Heat to do much, much better. Their defense remained above par; they forced the otherwise sharp-shooting Warriors to miss 47 of 78 field-goal attempts and 26 of 34 tries from beyond the arc. Unfortunately, their relative lack of firepower showed; they drew blank in 15 of their first 16 stabs at the basket, and ultimately came up short in 60 of 90 shots.

Notably, the scrappiness that enabled them to generate transition opportunities in Game Three was absent for the most part, increasing the pressure on them to perform in halfcourt sets. And, bottom line, they didn’t. In fact, so bad were the Heat that not one of the starters reached double figures, and only two players all told made more than half their shots.

True, the Celtics were so good yesterday that the Heat would have been hard-pressed to keep up even at their best. Then again, it’s precisely because they need to be at their best in order to have a chance against superior competition that anything less is unacceptable. They would do well to remember that as they host Game Five tomorrow.

 

Anthony L. Cuaycong has been writing Courtside since BusinessWorld introduced a Sports section in 1994. He is a consultant on strategic planning, operations and Human Resources management, corporate communications, and business development.

Supreme Court affirms dismissal of police director over 2009 chopper scam

PHILSTAR FILE PHOTO

THE SUPREME Court has affirmed an appellate court decision dismissing a former national police director from service due to his involvement in an anomalous purchase of secondhand helicopters in 2009.  

In a 21-page decision dated March 28 and made public on May 20, the High Court’s Third Division said Herold G. Ubalde, then Philippine National Police (PNP) director for legal services, and several others were liable for serious dishonesty over the contract.    

“In the present case, this Court is convinced that there is substantial evidence to hold Ubalde administratively liable for his acts relating to the purchase of the helicopters by the PNP,” according to a copy of the ruling written by SC Associate Justice Jhosep Y. Lopez.   

“Finally, this Court agrees with the Ombudsman and the CA (Court of Appeals) that Ubalde is also liable for conduct prejudicial to the best interest of service because his acts tarnished the image and integrity of (his) public office.”  

The CA had affirmed a ruling by the Office of the Ombudsman in 2012, which said that Ubalde’s approval of the irregular purchase of three secondhand helicopters for P105 million showed an “immense debilitating effect on the government service.  

The former police officer argued in his appeal that he had the right to rely on the evaluation of his subordinates during the approval of the purchase of helicopters. 

The High Court, however, said Ubalde cannot escape liability by insisting that he merely relied on the determination of the negotiation committee.  

In April, the Supreme Court granted the appeal of former first gentleman Jose Miguel T. Arroyo to drop a graft charge against him related to the same case.  

The court ordered the Sandiganbayan, a special tribunal handling graft and corruption cases, to drop the case information against Mr. Arroyo due to lack of evidence. John Victor D. Ordoñez 

Smooth opening for Lanao del Sur special elections with reinforced security  

PHILSTAR
PHILSTAR

NO ADVERSE incidents were reported as of midday Tuesday as special elections in several Lanao del Sur villages were held with reinforced security forces, according to an election official. 

Commission on Elections (Comelec) Deputy Executive Director for Operations Teopisto E. Elnas, Jr. said initial reports indicated there were no irregular incidents in terms of peace and security nor technical glitches.   

“Up to this moment, it is all systems go and no reports of defective vote-counting machines or defective SD cards and we have contingency systems just in case,” he told a media briefing at noon on Tuesday.  

Election Commissioner George Erwin M. Garcia also told reporters in a Viber message that everything was okay, 12 barangays and 15 clustered precincts all opened and functioned, not a single glitch or issue as of this time.”  

Comelec declared a failure of elections on May 11 in 14 villages in the towns of Binidayan, Butig, and Tubaran due to violence and irregular incidents. 

Mr. Garcia earlier said that Comelec ordered special elections only in Tubaran since the towns of Butig and Binidayan had already proclaimed their local officials. 

Comelec doubled the number of deployed police officers in Tubaran to address possible security threats, Mr. Garcia told a separate televised interview on Tuesday. 

Mr. Elnas said on Monday that about 850 cops and 150 soldiers were set to be deployed for the special elections.  

Mr. Garcia earlier said that if the special election votes are transmitted by Tuesday night, the agency would proceed with the canvassing the next day and proclaim the winners by May 26. Voting was scheduled to close by 7 p.m. 

Meanwhile, acting Comelec spokesman John Rex C. Laudiangco said in the same briefing that the agency had received 30 electoral protest cases relating to the May 9 national and local elections as of May 23.   

“All of these are being docketed and are currently being reviewed,” he said.  

On the barangay and Sangguniang Kabataan (youth council) elections set on December 5, Mr. Laudiangco said Comelec will continue with its preparations despite calls for postponement by some lawmakers.   

“Comelec will continue with its preparations until such time there is a Republic Act promulgated or issued stating that the barangay elections are already postponed, reset or rescheduled,he said. John Victor D. Ordoñez 

Baguio creates team to focus on urban transport masterplan  

THE BAGUIO local government has set up a team that will focus on improving the mountain citys transportation system for better mobility and cleaner air.  

Mayor Benjamin B. Magalong signed an executive order earlier this week creating the technical working group (TWG), which will be led by the citys engineering and transport management officers with members from other city departments, related government agencies, academe, and the private sector.   

The TWG will facilitate the rollout of the low carbon urban transport system (LCUTS) project of the United Nations Development Programme and the Department of Transportation.  

The project involves creating asustainable smart urban transport masterplan that will give the proper direction of the city in reducing traffic congestion and improving mobility, thereby improving the air quality in the city,the order reads.   

The TWG shall coordinate the planning and implementation of LCUTS project in cognizance of Republic Act No. 8749 or the Philippine Clean Air Act of 1999 upholding the rights of the citizens to breathe clean air and protection of the environment,the city information office said in a statement.   

Among the project components are a shift to electric and hybrid vehicles for public transport, and establishing an intermodal transport system to link roads outside the central business district. 

The city is also developing multi-level parking buildings in strategic locations to address traffic congestion because of the rapid increase in the number of private vehicles roaming around the city daily, especially during weekends where there is a heavy influx of visitors,the local government said.   

Mr. Magalong, who won a second three-year term during the May 9 elections, has also announced that his administrations priority projects include the ongoing sidewalk rehabilitation works and a P119-million traffic control system in partnership with the Department of Public Works and Highways. 

The city is also set to evaluate unsolicited proposals for a monorail system. MSJ  

Makabayan bloc files resolution seeking to defer PhilHealth premium hike 

THE MAKABAYAN bloc in the House of Representatives has filed a joint resolution seeking to defer the increase in Philippine Health Insurance Corp. (PhilHealth) premium rate amid spiraling consumer prices and unresolved issues with the state insurer.  

Joint Resolution 41 calls for a suspension of the implementation of the new 4% premium rate for all direct contributors.  

The hike in premiums for PhilHealth members scheduled for 2021 and 2022 is provided under Republic Act 11223.   

In January 2021, President Rodrigo R. Duterte directed PhilHealth to defer the premium hike in consideration of the impact of the coronavirus pandemic. The Finance department, however, has warned that a suspension of the premium hikes could adversely affect PhilHealths fiscal space.    

Rep. Arlene D. Brosas of Gabriela, one of the party-lists that filed the resolution, said the health insurer has enough government subsidy. 

PhilHealth has a P79.9 billion subsidy under the 2022 budget, which it could tap to augment benefit payments instead of further squeezing Filipino workers with a higher monthly contribution,she said in a statement.  

Other party-list groups that signed the statement were Bayan Muna, Act Teachers, and Kabataan. Alyssa Nicole O. Tan 

Will Mr. Marcos Jr. continue President Duterte’s foreign policy?

PHILIPPINE STAR/KRIZ JOHN ROSALES

In the recently concluded 2022 elections, almost every one of the presidential candidates criticized President Rodrigo Duterte’s appeasement policy towards China. They said that, if elected, they will challenge China’s aggressive actions in the disputed waters and enforce the July 12, 2016 arbitral tribunal ruling.

For these candidates, China is the core concern of Philippine foreign policy in the light of tense maritime and territorial disputes in the West Philippine Sea.

However, there was only one presidential candidate who expressed positive comments toward China.

This lone candidate voiced out President Duterte’s mantra that there is no point in challenging Chinese expansion in the South China Sea since the Philippines will likely lose any war against China. The 2016 arbitral ruling, he claimed, was not effective because China did not recognize it. Instead, he declared that he would seek a bilateral deal with China to resolve the territorial dispute in the South China Sea. He also questioned the necessity of modernizing the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) since he favored engagement rather than armed conflict with China.

In a TV debate, he modified his accommodating posture when he declared that he wants Philippine military presence in the disputed territories to show China that we are defending what we consider as our territorial waters. He also said that he will deploy Philippine Navy (PN) ships to protect Filipino fishermen, who have been fishing in the area for over a hundred years.

Nevertheless, he was considered as the most China-friendly candidate who everyone assumes will continue President Duterte’s appeasement policy and might even bring Manila closer to Beijing. He is, of course, the presumptive president, Mr. Ferdinand Marcos, Jr.

UNDERSTANDING THE NUANCE
In late 2016, President Duterte sought the improvement of relations with China to increase economic cooperation. However, this required softening the country’s confrontational stance on the South China Sea dispute. He calculated that the Philippines’ hardline posture against China had strained the two countries’ economic relations. Thus, he faced the challenge of earning China’s goodwill and cooperation.

China’s appeasement meant shelving the sovereignty issue, managing the conflict in bilateral forums, and focusing on other issues that allow bilateral engagements, such as joint development, strengthening of bilateral trade, and Chinese support for Philippine economic development.

Three years later, however, the Duterte Administration pursued a policy of limited hard balancing toward China. It resorted to this diplomatic strategy by continuing some of the late President Aquino’s policies such as: a.) building up the AFP’s territorial defense capabilities; b.) maintaining its alliance with the US, and, c.) fostering a security partnership with Japan. On July 12, 2020, the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) issued a statement on the fourth anniversary of the arbitral award on the South China Sea dispute.

Foreign Affairs Secretary Teodoro Locsin declared that the arbitration case, initiated and won by the Philippines versus China, is a contribution “of great significance and consequence to the peaceful settlement of disputes in the South China Sea and to the peace and stability of the region at large.”

This was the first time that the Duterte Administration publicly called on China to comply with the 2016 arbitral tribunal awards that invalidated its expansive maritime claims over the resource-rich and strategically located South China Sea.

FOLLOWING HIS PREDECESSOR’S FOOTSTEPS?
In my special paper published in the recently launched book of top think tank Stratbase ADR Institute titled, Beyond the Crisis: A Strategic Agenda for the Next President, I discussed how Duterte’s appeasement policy extended two key diplomatic concessions to China — down-grading the Philippine-US alliance and putting aside the July 12, 2016 arbitral ruling. The presumptive president needs to understand the nuances of this damaging policy and adopt a rectifying approach in foreign affairs.

President Duterte did not, however, align or much more, subordinate Philippine foreign policy to China’s revisionist goal of maritime expansion. He realized that appeasing China is actually risky as this requires Manila to place its trust on a stronger Beijing. He also took into account that the Philippines is not a weak and isolated Southeast Asian state that could not challenge China.

The Philippines is a formal treaty ally of the US and it maintains security partnerships with other industrialized and militarily more powerful middle powers like Japan, Australia, and South Korea. It should be remembered, that in response to China’s efforts to enhance its de facto control over the South China Sea, the Duterte Administration even asked the US to clarify the scope of application of its defense obligation under the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT).

Public sentiment against the administration’s appeasement policy also forced the government from gravitating closer toward China. It adopted a two-pronged policy towards China by actively promoting bilateral economic cooperation with China and seeking for a peaceful resolution to the South China Sea dispute, and at the same time, pursuing efforts aimed to counter Chinese maritime expansion by effectively applying the rule of law in the international framework.

Professor Victor Andres “Dindo” Manhit, president of the Stratbase ADR Institute in his statement during the launch of Stratbase ADRi’s strategic policy book, stresses the strategic importance of defending Philippine territorial jurisdiction in the West Philippine Sea. This is a valuable collection of 16 policy papers from well-respected policy thinkers that ventilates recommendations for the next administration on the most urgent issues on foreign policy and security, economy, social inequality, food security, climate change, and governance.

The new administration is fortunate to have strategic thought leaders offering their expert advice to move this country forward.

 

Dr. Renato De Castro is a Trustee and Convenor of the National Security and East Asian Affairs Program of the Stratbase ADR Institute.

The economic status of Philippine regions: Focusing on the poorest

GIO ALMONTE-UNSPLASH

(Part 2)

The year 2021 was without question the recovery year from the pandemic. GDP grew at 5.7% in 2021 compared to a decline of 9.5% in 2020. With agriculture, forestry, and fishing (AFF) as the only exception, all major economic sectors posted positive growth in 2021, led by human health and social work activities at 14.1%, construction at 10%, and information and communication at 9.2%. Manufacturing was not far behind at 8.8% growth, led especially by food and beverage. Despite strict lockdowns during the first half of 2021, the hotel and restaurant sector (accommodation and food services) managed respectable growth of 7.2%, partly explained by the low base in 2020. Education grew at an above-average rate of 8.3%, mostly explained by a proliferation of non-formal and informal means of upskilling, reskilling, and retooling workers for the changing demands of the workplace. Formal education must have taken a hit with the drop in enrollment in degree-giving courses, especially among private educational institutions. Real estate and ownership of dwellings slowed down to a measly rate of 2.2% reflecting a glut especially at the higher-priced dwelling units level (more than P10 million per unit).

On the expenditure side, expenditures with the highest growth rates were gross capital formation at 20.3%, imports of goods and services at 13%, and exports of goods and services, at 8%. Household final consumption expenditure was muted at a growth rate of 4.2%. With the “revenge consumption” that is evident everywhere in 2022, starting during the Holy Week period of April 11 to 17, one can expect a strong recovery of this expenditure item for the whole of 2022, despite higher inflation rates that will average 4.5% for the whole year.

Despite the overall slower regional growth rate of the National Capital Region (NCR), it is not surprising that in terms of regional performance of services in 2021, Metro Manila registered a whopping rate of 42.4% of the total because of its huge population. Calabarzon* and Central Luzon follow at 10.7% and 8.3%, respectively. As regards the industry sector (manufacturing, mining, public utilities, and construction), Calabarzon is king, accounting for 25.1% of the total value, followed by the NCR (19.6%) and Central Luzon (15.4%).

Central Luzon is still the food hub of the country, accounting for 13.5% of the AFF sector, with Northern Mindanao and Western Visayas, following closely at 10.5% and 9.6%, respectively. The strategic role of Central Luzon in the agribusiness sector should prompt both the National Government and the respectively LGU heads in that region to formulate a comprehensive plan to improve significantly the productivity of the agricultural resources in that region, combining a move of farming activities away from the urbanizing areas of Pampanga and Tarlac towards the farm-rich provinces of Nueva Ecija, Nueva Vizcaya, and Aurora and the development of agribusiness manufacturing and logistics hubs in the Clark-Subic areas and Bataan. Already there is a perceptible movement of sugar production away from Pampanga and Tarlac towards Nueva Ecija, especially led by the Luisita group. Much can also be done to reverse the poor performance of the AFF sector if Calabarzon, the NCR, and Central Luzon regions can combine their forces to go into high-value farming of vegetables, fruits, and livestock that can be produced with the appropriate advanced technology even in highly urbanized areas.

An encouraging sign concerning the reduction of poverty may be read in the figures for household spending by region.

In 2021, household spending increased fastest in Caraga** (at 10.6%), Eastern Visayas (10.2 %), Cagayan Valley (9.0 %) and the Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR; 8%). These have been the regions with the highest poverty incidences in the past. These figures stand out more prominently when compared with an almost zero growth rate of consumption expenditures in the National Capital Region, which posted only a 0.4% increase in comparison with the national average of 4.2%. These figures may also be evidence of the effectiveness of the efforts of the Duterte administration to focus the anti-poverty programs on the poorer regions during the pandemic. If this hypothesis is true, then it can be said that the huge borrowings of the government during the pandemic were well worth it.

If these trends can be reinforced by the next administration, it will not be difficult to reduce the national poverty incidence from the present high of 23% resulting from the pandemic, to the 16% or even lower than what we already achieved before the pandemic. In fact, it should be the objective of the next administration to reduce the poverty incidence to single-digit levels of 5% to 9% by the end of its term.

This hypothesis of a focus on the poorer regions during the pandemic is further bolstered by the data on government spending in the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) report. Whereas the national average for growth in government spending was 7.1% for the whole of 2021, it was 12.6% for the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARRM) and 11.6% for Cagayan Valley. Other similar predominantly rural regions received the same focus on government spending. This resulted in the highest real per capita GDP growth rate for CAR at 6.6%, Caraga at 6.1%, followed by Central Luzon and Calabarzon at 5.7% each.

There is no question that fighting poverty in the Philippines cannot be left to market forces alone. There is limited “trickle down” in the free market. In the countryside, the greatest contribution to combat poverty comes from the building of farm-to-market roads, irrigation systems, post-harvest facilities, and the provision of indispensable services to the farmers, farm workers, and fisherfolk with the necessary credit, training, and digital assistance to improve their productivity.

In some of the provinces of Mindanao, poverty incidence can be as high as 30% to 40% of the population. Following the positive results of investing heavily in public works in the Caraga and BARRM regions, the next administration should double the efforts to endow the second largest island in the country with better infrastructure. The whole island has the potential of being the agribusiness hub, not only of the whole country, but also a major contributor to food security of our neighboring countries to the northeast of Asia, like China, Taiwan, and South Korea through the export of larger volumes and more diversified fruit and vegetable products over and above bananas and pineapples.

We should renew talks with the Chinese government about their building the railway system for the whole of Mindanao. Improved transport and communication in the island will go a long way in opening vast tracts of land that can make the Philippines a positive net exporter of agricultural products that will be crucial to the food security objectives of Northeast Asia. This possibility should be one more reason why the next administration should as early as possible work for the Philippine’s final accession to the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership agreement that will facilitate our trade with these food-short economies to our north.

*A portmanteau of the names of the Southern Luzon provinces of Cavite, Laguna, Batangas, Rizal, and Quezon.

** The region comprises five provinces: Agusan del Norte, Agusan del Sur, Dinagat Islands, Surigao del Norte, and Surigao del Sur.

 

Bernardo M. Villegas has a Ph.D. in Economics from Harvard, is professor emeritus at the University of Asia and the Pacific, and a visiting professor at the IESE Business School in Barcelona, Spain. He was a member of the 1986 Constitutional Commission.

bernardo.villegas@uap.asia

How many bots are on Twitter? The question is difficult to answer and misses the point

AKSHAR DAVE-UNSPLASH

Twitter reports that fewer than 5% of accounts are fakes or spammers, commonly referred to as “bots.” Since his offer to buy Twitter was accepted, Elon Musk has repeatedly questioned these estimates, even dismissing Chief Executive Officer Parag Agrawal’s public response.

Later, Musk put the deal on hold and demanded more proof.

So why are people arguing about the percentage of bot accounts on Twitter?

As the creators of Botometer, a widely used bot detection tool, our group at the Indiana University Observatory on Social Media has been studying inauthentic accounts and manipulation on social media for over a decade. We brought the concept of the “social bot” to the foreground and first estimated their prevalence on Twitter in 2017.

Based on our knowledge and experience, we believe that estimating the percentage of bots on Twitter has become a very difficult task, and debating the accuracy of the estimate might be missing the point. Here is why.

To measure the prevalence of problematic accounts on Twitter, a clear definition of the targets is necessary. Common terms such as “fake accounts,” “spam accounts,” and “bots” are used interchangeably, but they have different meanings. Fake or false accounts are those that impersonate people. Accounts that mass-produce unsolicited promotional content are defined as spammers. Bots, on the other hand, are accounts controlled in part by software; they may post content or carry out simple interactions, like retweeting, automatically.

These types of accounts often overlap. For instance, you can create a bot that impersonates a human to post spam automatically. Such an account is simultaneously a bot, a spammer, and a fake. But not every fake account is a bot or a spammer, and vice versa. Coming up with an estimate without a clear definition only yields misleading results.

Defining and distinguishing account types can also inform proper interventions. Fake and spam accounts degrade the online environment and violate platform policy. Malicious bots are used to spread misinformation, inflate popularity, exacerbate conflict through negative and inflammatory content, manipulate opinions, influence elections, conduct financial fraud, and disrupt communication. However, some bots can be harmless or even useful, for example by helping disseminate news, delivering disaster alerts, and conducting research.

Simply banning all bots is not in the best interest of social media users.

For simplicity, researchers use the term “inauthentic accounts” to refer to the collection of fake accounts, spammers, and malicious bots. This is also the definition Twitter appears to be using. However, it is unclear what Musk has in mind.

Even when a consensus is reached on a definition, there are still technical challenges to estimating prevalence.

External researchers do not have access to the same data as Twitter, such as IP addresses and phone numbers. This hinders the public’s ability to identify inauthentic accounts. But even Twitter acknowledges that the actual number of inauthentic accounts could be higher than it has estimated, because detection is challenging.

Inauthentic accounts evolve and develop new tactics to evade detection. For example, some fake accounts use AI-generated faces as their profiles. These faces can be indistinguishable from real ones, even to humans. Identifying such accounts is hard and requires new technologies.

Another difficulty is posed by coordinated accounts that appear to be normal individually but act so similarly to each other that they are almost certainly controlled by a single entity. Yet they are like needles in the haystack of hundreds of millions of daily tweets.

Finally, inauthentic accounts can evade detection by techniques like swapping handles or automatically posting and deleting large volumes of content.

The distinction between inauthentic and genuine accounts gets more and more blurry. Accounts can be hacked, bought, or rented, and some users “donate” their credentials to organizations who post on their behalf. As a result, so-called “cyborg” accounts are controlled by both algorithms and humans. Similarly, spammers sometimes post legitimate content to obscure their activity.

We have observed a broad spectrum of behaviors mixing the characteristics of bots and people. Estimating the prevalence of inauthentic accounts requires applying a simplistic binary classification: authentic or inauthentic account. No matter where the line is drawn, mistakes are inevitable.

The focus of the recent debate on estimating the number of Twitter bots oversimplifies the issue and misses the point of quantifying the harm of online abuse and manipulation by inauthentic accounts.

Through BotAmp, a new tool from the Botometer family that anyone with a Twitter account can use, we have found that the presence of automated activity is not evenly distributed. For instance, the discussion about cryptocurrencies tends to show more bot activity than the discussion about cats. Therefore, whether the overall prevalence is 5% or 20% makes little difference to individual users; their experiences with these accounts depend on whom they follow and the topics they care about.

Recent evidence suggests that inauthentic accounts might not be the only culprits responsible for the spread of misinformation, hate speech, polarization, and radicalization. These issues typically involve many human users. For instance, our analysis shows that misinformation about COVID-19 was disseminated overtly on both Twitter and Facebook by verified, high-profile accounts.

Even if it were possible to precisely estimate the prevalence of inauthentic accounts, this would do little to solve these problems. A meaningful first step would be to acknowledge the complex nature of these issues. This will help social media platforms and policymakers develop meaningful responses.

 

Kai-Cheng is a doctoral student in Informatics at Indiana University.

Filippo Menczer is a professor of Informatics and Computer Science at Indiana University. He receives funding from the Knight Foundation, Craig Newmark Philanthropies, the Open Technology Fund, and the Department of Defense. He owns a Tesla.

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