Home Blog Page 6162

Comelec, CHED team up for voter education campaign for college  students

PHILIPPINE STAR/ MICHAEL VARCAS

THE COMMISSION on Elections (Comelec) and the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) signed an agreement on Thursday for a voter education campaign directed at students in colleges and universities nationwide.  

“We want those who have the right to vote, especially our youth and higher education students, to be empowered by giving them proper information and the benefits of voting,” CHED Executive Director Cinderella Filipina S. Benitez-Jaro said during the signing ceremony at the Comelec office in Manila.   

“Especially in this age of social media, now that we have plenty of information, we have to make sure that we have the correct information.”  

Data from Comelec show that about 52% of the 67.4 million registered voters for the May 9 national and local elections are under the youth category or those aged 18-40.  

She noted that CHED had already implemented similar voter education programs before the agreement with Comelec.  

The campaign will offer non-partisan forums and activities at universities across the country to give accurate information on candidates and a voter’s rights, according to Ms. Jaro.  

She stressed that the activities are designed not to influence students on voting for specific candidates, but providing a venue that will help them make informed choices.   

“What is important is that voters should understand the election processes so they can vote intelligently and efficiently,” Comelec Executive Director Bartolome J. Sinocruz, Jr. said at the ceremony.  

He added that the two agencies aim to increase voter turnout, especially among higher education students. John Victor D. Ordoñez 

Death toll from 1st storm now over 200; agri, infra damage hits over P4B 

BUREAU OF FIRE PROTECTION-REGION 8

THE NUMBER of reported deaths due to tropical storm Agaton, with international name Megi, has reached 224 as of April 21, up from 175 a day before, according to the national disaster management agency.  

Missing persons have also increased to 147 from 110 previously, more than a week after the first storm to hit the Philippines this year triggered landslides and flooding mostly in the Visayas, the central islands of the archipelago.    

The province of Leyte in Eastern Visayas had the most number of casualties at 201 deaths and more than 100 missing, based on the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Councils (NDRRMC) latest tally.   

Two massive landslides occurred in Baybay City and Abuyog town, both in Leyte.   

NDRRMC said more than two million people were affected by storm Agaton, which brought several days of moderate but incessant rains starting April 9.   

The council issued a call for volunteers on Thursday to help in preparing family food packs for distribution to those affected. Almost 176,000 people were still displaced, with more than half staying across 447 evacuation centers.   

We are in need of volunteers who will help in the repacking and other logistics activities for the ongoing Typhoon #AgatonPH operations,NDRRMC said in an announcement posted on its social media pages.   

Individuals or groups can help with the operations at the DWSD-National Resources center along Chapel Road in Pasay City.   

DAMAGE
Meanwhile, agricultural damage from storm Agaton has climbed to P2.8 billion, according to the Department of Agriculture (DA).  

Damage and losses have been reported in the regions of Bicol, Western Visayas, Eastern Visayas, Zamboanga Peninsula, Davao, Soccsksargen and Caraga, affecting 64,525 farmers and fishers. 

Volume of production loss stood at 89,093 metric tons (MT) across 31,645 hectares of agricultural areas.  

Rice was the most affected crop with estimated volume loss at 73,484 MT valued at P1.3 billion.  

This was followed by fisheries at P782.1 million, high-value crops at P296.7 million, corn at P53.6 million, and livestock and poultry at P40.9 million. 

The DA said it will be providing P715.47 million of readily-available assistance to affected farmers and fisherfolk.   

This includes P500 million worth of Quick Response Fund for the rehabilitation of affected areas and P100 million under the Survival and Recovery Assistance Program of the Agricultural Credit Policy Council for Western Visayas.  

It will also allocate P80.16 million worth of rice seeds, P24.33 million worth of corn seeds, P10.85 million in assorted vegetables; and animal stocks, drugs and biologics for livestock and poultry.  

Available funds from Philippine Crop Insurance Corporation will also be provided to indemnify affected farmers.  

In infrastructure, partial cost of damage was estimated at P1.45 billion as of Wednesday, according to the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH), consisting mainly of roads and bridges.   

In Eastern Visayas alone, damage to national roads and bridges was estimated at P1.30 billion.  

Most of the affected roads have been fully cleared or reopened with limited access, except for three road sections in Leyte and Southern Leyte that are still closed.  

DPWH Secretary Roger G. Mercado said the remaining impassable roads severely affected by landslides are targeted for reopening before the end of April.Marifi S. Jara and Luisa Maria Jacinta C. Jocson 

DILG warns local governments over failure to control Boracay tourist volume 

REUTERS
PEOPLE dine at a restaurant in Boracay Island in this photo taken on Nov. 30, 2021. — REUTERS

THE DEPARTMENT of the Interior and Local Government (DILG) on Thursday warned local governments with authority over Boracay to ensure the enforcement of the capacity limit set for the popular tourist destination.   

In a statement on Thursday, DILG said local officials could be issued show cause orders due to negligence following documented violations of the island’s visitor threshold during the Holy Week break.  

“We will not think twice to issue a show cause order to the officials of the local government units who disregard the policies of the island of Boracay,” Interior Secretary Eduardo M. Año said in Filipino.  

“We cannot go back to square one especially now that we are still in the middle of a pandemic,he said.   

Boracay Island is under the jurisdiction of the municipal government of Malay, which is within Aklan province.   

Based on the Malay tourism offices current guidelines, visitors to Boracay must pre-register online through the touristboracay.com site, which is controlled by the Aklan provincial government.   

The pre-registration serves as a health declaration form for contact tracing as well as for Malays tourism statistical reporting.   

A daily visitor limit of 19,215 has been set for the island.  

The Malay tourism office reported 95,646 tourist arrivals from April 1 to 16, which means a daily average of almost 6,000.   

However, tourist arrivals for April 14-15 or Maundy Thursday and Good Friday which are declared national holidays reached 21,252 and 22,519, respectively, according to Tourism Secretary Bernadette Romulo-Puyat in a letter to Mr. Año. 

The DILG chief said failing to comply with the daily threshold not only poses public health risks but also cause environmental threats that compromise the government’s progress in rehabilitating the island.   

Boracay was totally closed to tourists in 2018, following an order from President Rodrigo R. Duterte, for an overhaul of waste management systems and land use on the island. An inter-agency team was established for the rehabilitation program.    

The provincial government of Aklan as well as its governor could not be immediately reached for comment.   

“We must draw the line to ensure that our policies are being complied with on the ground,” Mr. Año said. John Victor D. Ordoñez 

Lacson promises no discrimination vs vaccine skeptics under his administration

PRESIDENTIAL aspirant Senator Panfilo “Ping” M. Lacson, Sr. on Thursday promised that vaccine skeptics will not be discriminated against under his administration.  

He maintained his position that receiving vaccination against coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) will be voluntary in consideration of human rights and individual freedom.  

It cannot be forced (on people). It is our individual choice, individual right, if we will get it or not,he said.   

However, the senator also stressed the need to consider the welfare of those around so-called anti-vaxxers due to the risk of infection.  

He also said that while vaccinations will not be mandatory under his leadership, he remains in favor of incentive-based programs to encourage people to get vaccinated.  

He plans more accessible, efficient, and inclusive vaccination drives.  

Mr. Lacson further said he has plans to ensure the nations transition from a coronavirus pandemic to treating the disease as endemic while proactively preparing for future public health threats.  

“The medium and long term (plan) includes investing in research and development because we keep relying on importations,he told reporters at a press conference on Thursday.  

He said the Philippines needs to stop its over-reliance on imports and instead tap the capability of local entrepreneurs in supplying necessities, including health supplies.  

The senator also noted a bill he previously filed establishing the Virology Science and Technology Institute of the Philippines. He plans to prioritize this if he wins as the countrys chief executive. Alyssa Nicole O. Tan

Department of miseducation

BW FILE PHOTO

The bias in some Department of Education (DepEd) teaching materials against Vice-President Leni Robredo was obvious and bad enough. But even worse are their errors — the word “government” was for example misspelled in the offending texts — and their misleading and releasing these among the populace of ill-trained and uninformed future citizens incapable of wisely exercising their rights and discharging their duties, such as electing the right leaders of this rumored democracy.

Whether old (print, broadcasting, film) or new (online news sites, blogs, etc.), as purveyors of information the media can shackle the mind or free it, and deter change or accelerate it. So can the educational system provide the knowledge and understanding that can liberate men and women from ignorance — or keep them in its depths by miseducating them.

For the most part, however, both primarily function as among the means through which the State persuades and convinces the citizenry that things should remain the way they have always been. Some teachers and media practitioners are advocates of change, whether cultural, political, economic, or social. But they are the exceptions rather than the rule — deviations from the “normal” almost immediately provoke State intervention.

The Philippine experience is illustrative of how the power elite has repeatedly tried, and mostly succeeded, in controlling the narratives of the media and the educational system on what happened in the past and what is happening in the present of these troubled isles.

The political economy of the dominant media — their being commercial enterprises in the hands of economic interests whose protection and advancement depends on government goodwill — has led to institutional and practitioner self-censorship, among other consequences. Although privately owned, some media organizations are besieged by such other problems as government threats and harassment, which prevent them from fully discharging the ethical and professional responsibilities of truth-telling.

Control over the educational system is, on the other hand, at least partly assured by its being an instrumentality of the Executive Branch of government through DepEd and the Commission on Higher Education (CHED). But that control has not been absolute.

For example, although a State institution, the University of the Philippines (UP) has a number of times been in the crosshairs of State intervention for some of its constituents’ criticism of government, its officials, and its policies.

It was accused of promoting “godlessness” and “subversion” in the late 1950s. A number of its professors were brought before the House of Representatives Committee on Anti-Filipino Activities (CAFA) and interrogated for publishing a document in one of its research journals on how the tenancy system was driving the peasantry to rebellion. Martial law shut it down for weeks. Its staff, students, and faculty were already under surveillance prior to its declaration, and some were arrested and detained indefinitely once martial rule was implemented. It has more recently been tagged a “recruitment center” of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the New People’s Army (NPA), apparently for some of its professors’ encouraging, and some of its students’ internalizing, the imperative of learning as a lifelong commitment of the truly educated man and woman.

But that is only UP — and only some of its professors and students. As for the so-called State “universities” created by congressmen out of this or that fifth-rate school in their districts, few of their so-called professors, if any, are even aware of the responsibilities of teaching and learning, and are easily bullied by such pretenders to academic authority as police and military censors into purging their libraries and silencing themselves and their students.

Their reach, however, is fairly limited compared to that of basic education, which shapes the minds of the young at their most vulnerable and impressionable age. Indeed, it is in the primary and secondary schools under DepEd’s charge where much of the misinformation and disinformation that clutter the brains of millions of Filipinos is generated, shared, and distributed.

The quality of the products of any system is what best describes it, its capacities as well as its flaws. There are basic education graduates who have not even heard of Adolf Hitler, for example, despite that monster’s slaughter of more than six million Jews and other “undesirables” (no wonder his admirer Rodrigo Duterte thought the number to be three million); his having committed the worst crime in all of human history; and his starting a war that killed an additional 50 million people in Europe alone.

Here in the lair of the Philippines’ ruling dynasties, the domestic equivalent of European fascism is hardly studied. If the Marcos kleptocracy is at all mentioned in school, it is in glowing terms by clueless teachers who use the error-filled textbooks written by well-connected “authors” that they make their students read. That the Marcos dictatorship is being described as a “golden age” — the exact opposite of what it really was — could only have originated in this country’s primary and secondary level classrooms.

It explains why the 30- to 40-year-olds who constitute the bulk of the supporters of Ferdinand Marcos, Jr. and his family either have no inkling of what transpired during that dark and brutal period, or else romanticize it as a time of peace, justice, and prosperity — and who spread their sub-literate views through Instagram and Tiktok.

Among the consequences of mass ignorance of those dark periods in history is the failure to appreciate the value of human rights and to understand how barbaric dictatorships can be. To many Filipinos, despotism is either an abstraction that has nothing to do with human lives — or, worse, a benevolent and even necessary option in times of crisis.

As bad or even worse is the failure of the same system to even provide the literacy and numeracy skills individuals need. Every independent study on the capacities of Filipino primary and secondary students has in fact found abysmally low levels of reading and mathematical competence among them.

Those findings seriously question their capacity to meet the complex challenges posed by the problems of their own country or even to survive them. Many thus end up either as domestics at home or abroad, or as part of the vast legions of the unemployed and unemployable, while being among the most confident people in the world about their social media-based, fact-challenged opinions on public issues.

The historian Renato Constantino wrote lengthily in his pioneering work, The Miseducation of the Filipino, on how little Filipinos know about what happened in Philippine history, and how misleading a guide in navigating the turbulent waters of the Philippine crisis their limited knowledge of it has been. And yet, as he pointed out, education is crucial to the cultural renewal necessary for the realization of their aspirations for a just and reasonably prosperous society.

That was in the 1960s, but here we are, six decades later and already in the 21st century, with those hopes still unrealized. Certainly, one of the reasons for it is the failure of the so-called educational system to provide the knowledge that is among the most crucial factors in any society’s advancement and even survival.

That failure is a convincing argument in favor of giving the agency in charge of education in this part of the planet a name that more accurately describes what it has been doing. But that of course will never happen — not in this country where the words of government are too often part of the State apparatus of mass deception rather than of enlightenment.

 

Luis V. Teodoro is on Facebook and Twitter (@luisteodoro).

www.luisteodoro.com

Mainstreaming inflation and the Fund

TARTILLA-FREEPIK

Mainstreaming some economic ideas becomes easier when enough focus is dedicated to it during the Annual Meetings of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank Group. After years of absence, for instance, inflation took center stage again during this April’s hybrid Spring Meetings. Fund economists behind the World Economic Outlook (WEO) have started talking about it and raising the red flags to global growth because of price pressures building up both in the US and big markets, and in small developing and emerging markets.

For instance, the IMF’s Chief Economist Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas in his press briefing on the latest WEO last Tuesday argued that the world’s economic prospects have been severely undermined as inflation may prove to be more long lasting due to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. This is enough for the Fund to downgrade its projection of global growth from January’s 4.4% to this month’s 3.6%.

All that the Fund is saying is that Ukraine is the wild card. The continued hostilities fuel the series of supply shocks that propagate spillovers to the global economy through commodity markets, trade and financial linkages. With reduced supplies from Russia and Ukraine, oil, gas, metals, wheat, and corn prices are bound to escalate and magnify price pressures on other commodities and services.

The timing of the war in Eastern Europe could not have been worse. The pandemic has hardly disappeared from the scene while supply-demand imbalances continue to rage, prompting monetary policy normalization. With supply bottlenecks already pushing inflation higher, the latest China lockdowns could add yet another supply shock.

The Fund therefore identified monetary tightening and financial market volatility as one of the principal forces shaping near-term global outlook namely, the Russia-Ukraine war, fiscal withdrawal, slowing growth in China, and the pandemic and vaccine access.

For these reasons, the Fund has declared that “inflation has become a clear and present danger for many countries.”

Gourinchas noted that inflation has reached its highest level in over 40 years in the United States and some European countries given their tightening labor markets. This is just the inflation level, but what should also worry us is its expected long duration.

The Fund correctly identified the risk of a possible de-anchoring of inflation expectations away from central bank inflation targets. Some central banks have actually begun tightening their monetary stance; others decided to wait for more signs of second-round effects. The problem with being patient nowadays is that price movements have been unprecedentedly sharp, especially for food and fuel. This could easily build up into social unrest and destabilization.

If this rising inflation is not arrested promptly, we might be seeing spillovers into the global financial markets, tightening of financial conditions, and ultimately, from the perspective of smaller economies, capital flight. We don’t have to complete the analytical loop but we can almost foresee what comes next in terms of currency depreciation, trade disruption, and still higher inflation, and then weaker growth.

Looking back, the concern about this rising inflation originated from former US Treasury Secretary Larry Summers in a Washington Post column in Feb. 2021. He questioned the enormous size of US President Joseph R. Biden’s $1.9-trillion pandemic response which passed through the US Congress. He predicted then: “There is a chance that macroeconomic stimulus on a scale closer to World War II levels than normal recession levels will set off inflationary pressures of a kind we have not seen in a generation.” US inflation then stood below 2%. In March this year, inflation averaged 8.54 %.

Today, people are disputing whether Summers’s analysis is consistent with what is unravelling. As John Cassidy in The New Yorker of April 8 clarified, while Summers stressed the expansionary role of Biden’s American Rescue Plan and the US Fed that seems to be behind the curve in raising its policy rate early enough, others put weight on the pandemic impact on global supply chains and the labor market. Following this argument, some wonder why some European economies that eschewed big pandemic packages are also going through inflation of historic proportions.

If this analysis is to be followed, we must be seeing a global phenomenon that is gaining momentum from factors other than pandemic-driven fiscal support. US economists’ assessment that does not derive from Summers’, points to the prolonged Delta and Omicron variants and their impact on supply chains and the labor market. Most importantly, US administration economists are questioning Summers’ statistics. They argued that the estimated output gap was much larger than what was assumed by the Congressional Budget Office and the actual amount of public spending stood so much less than what was assumed by the former US treasury secretary. Therefore, with a bigger output gap and lower actual public spending, the budget allocation should not be too inflationary.

But Summers was quick to point out that the US nominal GDP is double digit and with some capacity constraints, inflation could only be excessive. He also cited a study by the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco showing that with a large stimulus budget including for cash transfer, that could have contributed at least three percentage points to inflation by the fourth quarter of 2021. On the smaller size of actual public spending, Summers countered: “If the argument is that the money has not yet been spent, that makes the stimulus even more problematic because it’s going to be coming at a time when there is overheating.”

His central point is that demand has been high relative to potential supply. If the two cannot be balanced and inflation starts heating up, macroeconomic management must have failed.

For Summers, it is important that the US Fed bite the bullet and sharply increase its policy rate. He is for prompt monetary action against the threat of inflation. While some Democrats have observed Summers could be providing too much ammunition to the Republicans, he has this to say: “The benefits from the American Rescue Plan depend on a strong economy, which is threatened as overheating leads to declining real wages and, quite possibly, recession.”

Two other important points are prominent in the analysis of Summers. The enormous pandemic plan has crowded out desirable long-term investments in what the US calls “Build Back Better” Plan. In the Philippines, this could be a good return to a more efficient and effective execution of Public-Private Partnerships.

His other point is that inflation at all costs should be considered a grave threat to be managed well. Otherwise, even progressive politics could be at risk. Closer at home, international financial institutions like the IMF, World Bank, ADB, and the ASEAN +3 Monitoring and Research Office are all one in saying the Philippine economy could grow by about 6% in 2022 and pre-pandemic levels could be regained in a couple of years. Yet, monetary policy appears timid even as official forecasts already indicate elevated inflation for the rest of the year in excess of the target. Next year’s inflation is expected to start tapering. A preemptive, nominal adjustment could have a big meaningful guidance to the market that inflation is a concern and monetary policy remains cautiously pro-active to re-anchor inflation expectations close to the targets.

Back to the Fund.

In the April WEO, the Fund was unequivocal that inflation drivers could be diverse, and in many cases, beyond monetary control. But it has been observed that price pressures are increasingly becoming more broad-based. The impact of the Ukraine war could also vary across countries depending on their trade and financial linkages.

Like a referee, the Fund prescribes that whether inflation is driven by strong fiscal policy support, as Summers would put it, or motivated by fuel- and war-related commodity price pressures, the Fund believes that “tighter monetary policy will be appropriate to check the cycle of higher prices driving up wages and inflation expectations, and wages and inflation expectations driving up prices.”

By all means, we must avoid this cycle in the Philippines.

 

Diwa C. Guinigundo is the former deputy governor for the Monetary and Economics Sector, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP). He served the BSP for 41 years. In 2001-2003, he was alternate executive director at the International Monetary Fund in Washington, DC. He is the senior pastor of the Fullness of Christ International Ministries in Mandaluyong.

Second wave of Russian oil shock is starting

DEPOSITPHOTOS/ NOFRET

The lights are dimming over the Russian oil industry — literally.

The Kremlin is doing its best to conceal the full impact of formal and informal energy sanctions after its invasion of Ukraine. But Moscow can’t hide from the satellites above Siberia that measure the amount of light its oilfields emit as unwanted gas is burned, or flared: The higher the production, the more flaring and the more light — and vice versa.

The flaring data, combined with anecdotal information from traders and leaks of official Russian statistics, suggest that eight weeks into the war, Moscow is finally succumbing to the impact of government-imposed penalties and companies’ self-sanctions. On average, Russian oil output is down 10% from its pre-war level.

More production losses are likely as Western refiners and traders walk away from Russia upon the expiry of supply contracts in coming weeks. The European Union (EU) is also considering baby steps to reduce its purchases of Russian oil, trying to find ways to sidestep German opposition to the measures. “We are currently developing smart mechanisms so that oil can also be included in the next sanctions package,” EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen told the Bild am Sonntag.

For consumers — and central banks in inflation-fighting mode — declining Russian production signals the beginning of a second, and likely longer lasting, wave of oil price increases. For Vladimir Putin, the stakes are even higher: revenue from oil and gas sales has so far helped cushion the blow of international sanctions, stabilizing the ruble and financing his military machine. A lasting decline in production that outweighs any price increase would be a longer-term headwind for Russia’s economy on top of the direct costs of the war.

The first phase of the oil-price shock from Putin’s invasion was as intense as it was brief. Russian output proved more resilient than expected; China’s COVID lockdowns reduced demand, and the US and its allies released millions of barrels from their strategic petroleum reserves. Brent, the global oil benchmark, initially surged to $139.13 a barrel on March 7 in the first days of the Russian military campaign but retreated nearly 30% to a low of $97.57 a barrel by April 11.

The second phase is likely play out in slow motion over a longer period, risking more economic havoc. Brent crude has already climbed back to near $110 a barrel, and prices will probably rise gradually as the market absorbs the supply losses. Seasonal peak demand is still two-and-a-half months away, with the summer holiday period of the northern hemisphere, and retail gasoline prices are sure to climb.

Brent has averaged $99.20 a barrel so far this year. In 2008, when prices hit an all-time high, the average price year-to-date at this time of year was $98.40 a barrel. The only potential relief is bad economic news: a recession in the US and Europe is the clearest obstacle to $100-plus oil.

Russian oil production is likely to drop further in coming months, judging by statistics from OilX, a consultancy that uses imaging data from NASA satellites to measure flaring. It estimates that output fell earlier this month to a low of 9.76 million barrels a day. On average, Russia pumped about 10.2 million barrels a day in the first two weeks of April. While the losses appear to have stabilized in recent days, April represents a big drop from the 11.1 million of February, before the impact of the invasion of Ukraine, and the 11 million of March.

The behavior of the Russian oil companies themselves highlights the declining international demand for their product. State-controlled Rosneft PJSC is trying to sell millions of barrels of crude in Europe and Asia via tenders that close on Thursday. Typically, Rosneft sells via long-term deals with commodity traders like Vitol Group, Trafigura Group, and Glencore Plc. But Western traders face a deadline of May 15 from the EU that restricts their dealings with Rosneft and several other Russian companies to “essential” activity needed to supply the EU. What “essential” means is open to interpretation, and for now, many traders are simply reducing their dealings. The production losses so far in April continue and deepen in May, as many in the industry expect, the laws of supply and demand will take over. Oil markets are like the proverbial tanker: they take time to turn. But turning they are. And that means prices are heading higher, again.

BLOOMBERG OPINION

Pay attention or die

RAWPIXELS.COM-FREEPIK

As you’re reading this, you’re likely listening to your Spotify playlist while occasionally scrolling through Twitter or Facebook. While eating your sandwich or sipping coffee. While wondering what you will have for dinner tonight and who is going to win in the coming May elections.

Welcome to the world of attention deficit.

You may think you’re simply multitasking but, as Angela Haupt said in her review of Johann Hari’s book Why You Can’t Pay Attention — and How to Think Deeply Again (“Our attention spans are suffering. Maybe there’s a way to get them back” by Angela Haupt; Washington Post, Jan. 22, 2022), “this constant switching between tasks is at the root of the attention crisis. There’s been such an enormous increase in the volume of new information available every second that we’ve become transfixed by things that are ‘very fast and very temporary, like a Twitter feed.’ The more information we inhale, he says, the less we’re able to focus on any one piece of it. Our brains aren’t designed to absorb so much at a time: In one study, 136 students took a test; some had their phones turned off, while others received occasional text messages. Those who received messages scored about 20% lower than those who didn’t.”

And this distracted attention span, the inability to focus, comes at a cost. Andrew Haldane, Bank of England chief economist, claims that a “rising incidence of attention deficit disorders, and the rising prominence of Twitter, may be further evidence of shortening attention spans,” which, according to the article that quotes him (“Is Twitter bad for economic growth?”; The Guardian; Feb. 18, 2015), is the danger of “shorter-term decision making.” The point is that “fast thought could make for slow growth,” says Mr. Haldane. “If short-termism is on the rise, this puts at risk skills-building, innovation and future growth.”

Medical data seems to back Mr. Haldane’s assertions: “A preliminary, incomplete, and conservative estimate of the annual COI [cost of illness] of ADHD is $14,576 per child in 2005 dollars, with a very wide range across a small number of studies. Using an ADHD prevalence of 5%, this translates into a minimum annual aggregate COI of $42.5 billion, with a more likely estimate being twice that amount. These costs are staggering and comparable in magnitude to other serious medical and MH problems in both children and adults” (“The Economic Impact of Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder in Children and Adolescents”; William E. Pelham, et al.; Journal of Pediatric Psychology, July 2007). The costs covered areas such as healthcare, education, parental work loss, and juvenile crime.

Commonsensically indeed, an individual with a fractured attention span can’t be optimally productive, his lack of focus detracting from his ability to set goals as well as the discipline and concentration necessary to achieve those goals. And since society is inherently composed of the totality of individual actions and decision making, then consequently this seeming difficulty to maintain focus could only result in a country’s loss in terms of productivity, overall welfare, and even security.

Present day culture’s glorification of “busy” is a contributing factor, with the resultant lack of sleep directly leading to a weakened ability to focus. But while it is indeed true that a lessening of one’s general well-being can lead to lessened focus, a lessened focus can also lead to a mitigation of one’s general well-being.

Thus, people with a short attention span could open themselves up to several physical or psychological issues, particularly:

• poor performance at work or school

• inability to complete daily tasks

• missing important details or information

• communication difficulties in relationships

• poor health related to neglect and inability to practice healthy habits (“What Are the Causes of a Short Attention Span, and How Can I Improve It?”; Healthline)

Technology is also seemingly to be blamed for our enslaved attention. As the review of Johann Hari’s book puts it: “Technology is deliberately designed to distract. Big-name websites and apps strive to distract because that’s the key to profitability. When we’re looking at our screens, these companies make money; when we’re not, they don’t. So they manipulate us to keep us there, scrolling and clicking.”

The foregoing is compounded by work demands, specially in today’s compelled “work from home” situation due to misguided COVID measures. Thus, whereas in previous years only cabinet secretaries and medical doctors were needed to be on constant call, nowadays nearly everybody is tethered electronically to their employment.

Which led to what is now known as the “right to disconnect,» which is legislation allowing “people to disconnect from work and primarily not to engage in work-related electronic communications such as e-mails or messages during non-work hours” (see Wikipedia). Thus, employees do not have to take calls or read e-mails related to work when the work day is done or when they are on leave. Several European countries, primarily France, have introduced right to disconnect laws. Large multinational companies have also voluntarily included it in their labor policies.

The Philippines does not currently have equivalent legislation, although it was attempted with the 2017 House Bill 4721 (“An act granting employees the right to disconnect from work-related electronic communications after work hours”). Labor lawyers nevertheless have posited that the right to disconnect is implied in our current labor laws.

The foregoing seems to give new life to the old caution against dilettantes, of the “jack of all trades but master of none.”

 

Jemy Gatdula is a senior fellow of the Philippine Council for Foreign Relations and a Philippine Judicial Academy law lecturer for constitutional philosophy and jurisprudence

https://www.facebook.com/jigatdula/

Twitter@jemygatdula

Hunger, blackouts may be a sign of brewing global economic crisis

Residents shop in a popular grocery store in downtown Rio de Janeiro, Brazil on April 5. — BLOOMBERG

A BARRAGE of shocks is building that’s unlike anything emerging markets have had to confront since the 1990s, when a series of rolling crises sank economies and toppled governments.

Turmoil triggered by rising food and energy prices is already gripping countries like Sri Lanka, Egypt, Tunisia and Peru. It risks turning into a broader debt debacle and yet another threat to the world economy’s fragile recovery from the pandemic.

Compounding the danger is the most aggressive monetary tightening campaign the Federal Reserve has embarked on in two decades. Rising US interest rates mean a jump in debt-servicing costs for developing nations — right after they borrowed billions to fight COVID-19 — and tend to spur capital outflows. And on top of it all: the stark reality that war in Europe, which is driving the latest food and energy shock, shows few signs of ending.

The cocktail of risks has already pushed Sri Lanka to the brink of default on its bonds. A handful of other emerging economies, from Pakistan and Tunisia to Ethiopia and Ghana, are in immediate danger of following suit, according to Bloomberg Economics. Of course, the developing world’s commodity exporters stand to benefit from higher prices. Still, there are other troubles brewing, with a new COVID-19 outbreak locking down key cities in China, and growing angst that Europe and the US will fall into recession.

The world’s top economic policy makers are sounding the alarm. The dominant themes at the spring meetings of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank in Washington this week are a slowing global economy and the rising risks —  seen and unseen — facing developing nations.

The IMF, in its latest World Economic Outlook, likened the war’s impact to “seismic waves” rolling over the global economy. It also warned of the possible return in emerging markets of the sort of “doom loop” that led Russia to default in 1998, helped bring Vladimir Putin to power and took hedge fund Long Term Capital Management to the verge of collapse. The World Bank slashed its global growth forecast and announced the creation of a $170-billion rescue package — bigger than its COVID-19 response — for crisis-hit nations.

“We can see this train wreck coming towards us,” said John Lipsky, who spent half a decade as No. 2 at the IMF. The combination of real-economy shocks and financial-market tightening, he said, is “going to push a large number of low-income countries into the need for debt restructuring.”

The biggest default looming in emerging economies is in Russia, where Mr. Putin’s decision to invade Ukraine has brought sanctions, economic isolation, and a pledge to pay debts only in rubles — which would likely be ruled a breach of commitments, triggering losses for investors.

Still, Russia’s role as the sanctions-hit aggressor make it a unique case. Which means Sri Lanka, for now, is at the vanguard of the potentially broader crisis.

The country’s currency is down nearly 40% this year. Last week, it suspended foreign debt payments, deciding to use what’s left of its reserves to cover food and energy imports rather than pay investors.

For people like Jagath Gunasena, the crisis has already arrived. It’s meant sending his wife and son to stand for hours to refill the cooking-gas cylinder they need to run their Colombo food stall — only to see them turned away when supplies run out. “At least we have leftovers from our food stall to eat,” Mr. Gunasena said. “I don’t know how the others will find ways to cook or get by.”

That kind of uncertainty has driven protesters to call for President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to resign even as his government tries to negotiate help with the IMF and Asian powers like China and India.

Sri Lanka may be the first. But it’s not alone. Some 13 emerging countries have bonds trading at least 1,000 basis points above US Treasuries, up from six a year ago. Credit-default swaps on developing-country debt spiked in the first weeks of the Ukraine war, showing a growing fear of default — and while they’ve since retreated, they’re still some 90 basis points above last year’s average.

Bloomberg Economics, which keeps scorecards of the building risks for EM countries, puts Turkey and Egypt top of the list of major emerging markets exposed to “economic and financial spillovers” from the Ukraine war. And it ranks Tunisia, Ethiopia, Pakistan, Ghana and El Salvador — with large debt stocks and borrowing costs that have risen by more than 700 basis points since 2019 — among countries in immediate danger of being unable to repay debts.

‘START TO SURFACE’
The direct impact of a default in five countries such as these on the global economy would be small, but crises in the developing world have a history of spreading well beyond their starting points. “In a cascade of emerging-market credit events, the negative impact of the whole could be larger than the sum of the parts,” wrote Ziad Daoud, Bloomberg Economics’ chief EM economist.

The World Bank calculates 60% of low-income countries are in debt distress already, or at high risk of it. So far, the trouble is brewing in the sort of “off the radar screen” places investors don’t pay much attention to, said the Bank’s chief economist, Carmen Reinhart.

Governments all over the emerging world stepped up their borrowing to cushion the pandemic’s impact. The cost of servicing those debts is rising “on a steep incline,” according to the IMF.

A record amount of that debt is now held on balance sheets of local banks in emerging economies, according to the IMF — raising the risk of a feedback loop in which banks are forced to pull back on lending as economies slow and the value of the government bonds they own falls. Which in turn may lead to the sort of economic “doom loop” that drove Russia to default in 1998 and Argentina to a similar fate a few years later.

The increase in borrowing costs is likely to get steeper still as the Fed’s efforts to combat inflation at home lead to higher interest rates on US Treasuries, the benchmark for many developing economies. Central banks across much of the emerging world are raising their own policy rates too, as prices surge.

Jim O’Neill, the former Goldman Sachs economist who coined the term BRICs in the early 2000s to describe the then fast-growing emerging markets of Brazil, Russia, India and China, said the current environment is the most uncertain he’s seen since he began his career in finance in the early 1980s. “If we get the inflation risk persisting and central banks have to tighten policy, for certain emerging markets it will be a disaster,” he said.

One sign of trouble ahead is the lengthening line of countries in rescue talks with the IMF.

Along with Sri Lanka, it includes countries with similar balance-of-payments problems like Egypt and Tunisia, where food prices helped drive regime change just a decade ago.

To be sure, many developing nations sell more commodities than they buy, and benefit from rising prices. They’re typically a boon in regions like Latin America, for example — where Brazil’s real is the world’s best-performing major currency this year, and Chile’s exports in March were up more than 20% from a year earlier.

Robin Brooks, chief economist at the Institute for International Finance, predicts the fallout from the Ukraine war will largely be limited to food and energy importers.

Busts often follow booms — and there haven’t been many of the latter in an emerging world that’s had a rough ride from COVID-19, Brooks points out. By contrast, the crises of the 1990s erupted in economies where capital had been pouring in, and its abrupt departure revealed flaws in corporate balance sheets. Even with risks rising because of an increasingly aggressive Fed, “I’m not as worried as others about skeletons in the closet,” he said.

But if that pandemic backdrop leaves emerging countries less vulnerable to capital outflows, the opposite is true when it comes to social tensions.

That’s one reason why it’s hard not to see something broader in the political and economic turmoil starting to hit the poorest corners of the global economy. Oxfam is warning that more than a quarter of a billion people could be pushed into extreme poverty this year. — Bloomberg

West warns of Russian cyber-attacks on critical infrastructure

LONDON — Western governments jointly warned on Wednesday about a potential threat of increased malicious cyber activity by Russia against critical infrastructure as a response to sanctions imposed as punishment for its invasion of Ukraine.

The cybersecurity agencies of the United States, Britain, Australia, Canada and New Zealand — which together form the Five Eyes intelligence-sharing alliance — said the war could expose organizations everywhere to cybercrime.

“This activity may occur as a response to the unprecedented economic costs imposed on Russia as well as materiel support provided by the United States and US allies and partners,” the US Cybersecurity & Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) said in a statement on its website.

In March, CISA said there was “evolving intelligence” that Russia was exploring options for potential cyberattacks.

Last week, it said advanced hackers have shown they can take control of an array of devices that help run power stations and manufacturing plants, although that alert did not name Russia, which routinely denies it carries out cyberattacks.

Wednesday’s statement also warned of the potential for cybercrime groups which have pledged to support the Russian government to carry out digital extortion attacks against Western targets.

“These Russian-aligned cybercrime groups have threatened to conduct cyber operations in retaliation for perceived cyber offensives against the Russian government or the Russian people,” the statement said. — Reuters

Peru seeks to punish pedophile rapists with chemical castration

PERU’s government will present a bill to allow for chemical castration as a penalty for raping a minor, Cabinet members told reporters on Wednesday, following national outrage over the rape of a 3-year-old girl.

“We consider that this measure will be an additional penalty for those who commit rape,” said Justice Minister Felix Chero.

He said the government hopes those who rape minors will serve prison time and be chemically castrated at the end of their sentences.

The move comes after a 48-year-old man was arrested earlier this month on suspicion of raping the 3-year-old girl, who had to undergo surgery after the ordeal.

President Pedro Castillo, a socially conservative former schoolteacher, has been supportive of the bill, saying people who rape minors need to be punished in an exemplary fashion.

“We hope that congress will back (the bill),” Mr. Castillo said earlier this week.

To become law, the bill will have to pass through Peru’s opposition-controlled Congress. Conservatives make up the majority of lawmakers, including some who have made an alternative proposal to include the death penalty as punishment for rape of a minor.

The chemical castration proposal has been criticized by Peru’s own health minister Jorge Lopez, as well as by the parents of the victim and by women’s rights organizations.

“We regret that the Executive does not understand sexual violence,” women’s rights group Flora Tristan said on Twitter. “What we need are measures to speed up judicial processes, to improve care, to combat impunity and strengthen prevention.”

This is not the first time politicians have discussed the measure. In 2018, Congress pushed to include chemical castration as a penalty for those who violate children under 14 years of age. The proposal, however, was not implemented. — Reuters

To stem tide of trash, PEMSEA calls for ‘truly biodegradable’ packaging

Wire trash basket. — Gregg Yan/PEMSEA

An environmental organization reiterated the call for better local management of plastic waste and a shift to biodegradable packaging to manage plastic waste entering Manila Bay, a pollution hotspot, from Cavite’s Imus River, which it called “a conveyor belt” of trash.  

“One solution is for manufacturers to shift to truly biodegradable packaging, such as processed seaweed and cassava,” said Gregg H. Yan, a consultant for Partnerships in Environmental Management for the Seas of East Asia (PEMSEA), in an e-mail. Incentivizing consumers by giving them discounts for bringing their own resealable plastic containers can also work, he added.  

On April 19, PEMSEA released five studies on the Imus River watershed, which measures 186.15 kilometers and has a population of 1,351,057 as of 2015.  

“We wanted to understand not just what types of waste enter the Imus River, but how the people who live near the river itself perceived plastic pollution as well as local efforts to combat it,” said Edwin F. Lineses, a social scientist at De La Salle University-Dasmarinas (DLSU-D), which led the studies along with Cavite State University. 

Locals were aware of the negative effects of plastic pollution in the Imus River, the studies found. They also had positive attitudes about conservation efforts, although most respondents still preferred sachets and single-use plastics because of their convenience, affordability, and perceived value-for-money.  

Single-use sachets and packets are among the most pervasive types of litter in and along the river.  

“Oxo-degradable plastics are not good for the environment because they’re only designed to break down into smaller and smaller pieces,” said Mr. Yan. “These tiny microplastics remain in the environment for a long time before being fully broken down by natural processes.”  

PEMSEA also recommended educating Cavite residents of solutions beyond regular trash collection and cleanup drives, such as proper segregation and recycling. 

Small businesses should likewise be given incentives to provide product refills, use alternative packaging, and comply with waste management policies, the environmental organization said. 

“This Earth Day [April 22], buhayin natin ang ating mga ilog (let’s revive our rivers),” said PEMSEA executive director Aimee T. Gonzales. 

The studies were launched under PEMSEA’s Project ASEANO, an initiative to stem the flow of plastic pollution in two pilot locations: the Philippines’ Imus River and Indonesia’s Citarum River. 

They can be downloaded at https://pemsea.org/publications/reports. — Patricia B. Mirasol