If only Soliman Santos, Jr. pursued a career path in history — he’s a lawyer and a retired judge (his last stint being the Regional Trial Court Judge of Naga City) — he could have been the most eminent historian chronicling and interpreting the re-established Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its movement.
Sol or Booj (as he is fondly called) has written several books and numerous articles about the different aspects of the revolutionary movement. He has the creds. He was part of the movement and experienced its flow and ebb. He became an activist more than 50 years ago, when he was still a high school student at the Philippine Science High School. He later became a propagandist and a cadre. And his loyalty is to a “militant and groovy” mass organization called Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan.
Although Sol can be described as an amateur historian (he has a Bachelor of Arts degree in History, cum laude, from the University of the Philippines), he writes his narratives with objectivity, intellectual honesty and rigor, and a healthy dose of skepticism. What Sol lacks in the inimitable craft of an Agoncillo, De la Costa, or Ileto, he compensates with “labor of love” (his words).
Sol has a huge collection of documents authored by the CPP. These documents, together with other memorabilia, eats up space in the cozy Santos home located in a small, quiet village in Canaman, Camarines Sur. His wife, Doods, has threatened to dump them. But for Sol, this is not stuff that belongs to the garbage heap of history. Good or bad artifacts are kept as a reminder of a “continuing past.”
“Continuing past,” a term borrowed from the title of Renato and Letizia Constantino’s book, can likewise describe Sol’s activism. He left the national-democratic movement long ago in the aftermath of the fall of the Marcos dictatorship and the restoration of democratic space. But Sol’s activism is alive yet done differently. And he continues to follow the CPP with keen interest.
Sol regularly sends his friends links and files about the CPP and the peace negotiations. Recently, he sent an e-mail, asking us to “do another protracted read” of the 57th anniversary statement of the CPP. (The CPP of Jose Maria Sison was founded on Dec. 26, 1968). I had to oblige Sol, and I did some speed reading. What I gather from the anniversary statement is that the CPP is doing “rectification,” and it has embarked on a study movement.
I then thought that it would be good for the CPP to reference other books for its study movement — books that offer historical lessons to guide both old members and young recruits. This thought led me to return to Sol’s latest book, Tigaon 1969 (Ateneo de Manila University, 2023). I see its relevance.
In Tigaon 1969, Sol narrates the “untold stories of the CPP,” but focuses on how the CPP and its armed wing, the New People’s Army (NPA), was formed in Bicol. It was in Tigaon that five activists planted and grew the CPP movement in the Bicol region. Tigaon is a poor agricultural town in Camarines Sur. Big landlords owning large haciendas and exploiting poor peasants dominated Tigaon’s economy. Dynastic politicians controlled the local government structure.
Rereading Tigaon 1969, I observe the similarity of the conditions during the period preceding Ferdinand Marcos, Sr.’s declaration of martial law in 1972 and the current political crisis faced by Ferdinand Jr.
In 1969, the nation was astir. The public denounced the 1969 elections, which Marcos Sr. won, despite a weak rival, through “guns, goons, and gold.” The “gold” or the massive election spending led to a higher government deficit and a spike in the inflation rate. In turn, the deteriorating economic situation fueled protests, which increasingly became political because of fears that Marcos Sr. wanted to extend his power beyond the constitutional limit of two terms.
The movement, with the youth at the forefront, snowballed, culminating in the First Quarter of 1970. The radical youth got the support of the middle forces and anti-Marcos politicians. All these forces relentlessly sustained the protest actions. Politically isolated but with backing from the military, Marcos Sr. declared martial law in September 1972.
Today, the administration of Marcos Jr. is battered by big protests. Gross greed, whopping corruption, and bad governance are driving the protests. Between 2023 and 2025, Congress, with the President signing on, violated budget laws and processes and moved a trillion pesos of the budget to fund unprogrammed projects. This enabled unprecedented massive corruption and brazen political patronage.
The nation is awakened and angry. The whole spectrum of society is involved in the protests. Again, like in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the youth and students constitute the main force of the protest actions.
The protests have been generally peaceful. But the threat of military intervention and the emergence of spontaneous and anarchist acts of violence can turn the country into a tinderbox.
Like the situation that immediately preceded the declaration of martial law in 1972, the political ruling elite today is fractured. The breakup between the Marcoses and the Dutertes is beyond repair. And within the Marcos circle, the antagonism between factions is getting sharper. The House Speaker Martin Romualdez and the Senate President Chiz Escudero were forced to resign. Key members of the body investigating the corruption, (Independent Commission of Infrastructure) have resigned. Their resignations further undermine the credibility of the administration.
It is this comparative political backdrop — the situation prior to the declaration of martial law in 1972 and the present crisis — that influences my rereading of Tigaon 1969.
I appreciate Tigaon 1969 for the salient lessons that can guide the movement (any movement) today. Sol’s principal intention in writing the book is to tell the history of the founding of the Bicol CPP. Sol’s narration, a convincing one based on primary evidence, challenges the official version.
But the key messages for me from reading Sol’s book are the following:
First, the importance of a narrative that can arouse the people. This narrative, in the language of the Left, is the political line.
The “first five” of Tigaon — those who planted the seeds of armed revolution in Bicol — did so with minimal guidance from the national leadership. The names of the “first five” are Marco Baduria, Nonito Zape, David Brucelas, Francisco Portem, and Ibarra Tubaniosa. When they went to Tigaon as their base for expansion, they were inexperienced in armed struggle; they did not possess arms in the beginning; they were not doctrinaires. What they had was sheer commitment, a commitment to return to their local community and arouse and organize the masses. What they fully grasped — their weapon — was a narrative or a political line most convincing to the masses. That narrative — most apt during those times — was the necessity of armed revolution to end the oppression of the masses; improve their well-being; and resist the violence of the State.
Second, the recognition of nameless people. The “first five,” were “molecules” in the movement. Their names are unfamiliar to many. They do not have the cachet of Joma Sison or Ed Jopson or Popoy Lagman. Yet, they made history in Tigaon and the whole of Bicol. The nameless comrades deserve far greater recognition.
To quote Sol, “I have consciously sought to redress the absence of small voices (’molecules’) in the grand narrative of history writing typical of ’The Leader’s View’ (Sison’s words) — lest their stories be forever shut out.”
I hope we will be able to absorb these two lessons — shaping a narrative that captures the people’s present mood and being confident in the capacity of ordinary people to lead change.
Nowadays, the ones with a narrative that capture mass sentiments are the Dutertes and Marcoses. The revolutionaries and liberals on the other hand have been stuck with tired narratives. Further, the different movements for change are fragmented and are bereft of unifying leaders. We are searching for a new Cory, a new Cardinal Sin or a Leni. Yet, as shown in Tigaon 1969, ordinary people, young people, but deeply committed and inspired, can rise to lead.
Filomeno S. Sta. Ana III coordinates the Action for Economic Reforms.
www.aer.ph
