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NAIA STOP: 1 of 4 suspected Maute members on arrest order list

ONE OF the four suspected members of the local terror group Maute who were stopped from leaving the country on Monday has been confirmed to be in the list of persons with an arrest order, military spokesperson Brig.-Gen. Restituto F. Padilla, Jr. said yesterday.

The three others are still being held at a police facility for further questioning, he added.

The four are among the seven who were stopped by authorities on Monday afternoon at the Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA) as they were about to leave for Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. They were earlier identified as Mawiyag Ibrahim Cota, Acmali A. Mawiyag, Abdulcahar Racman Maute, Alnizar Palawan Maute, Abdulrahman Maute, Yasser Dumaraya Maute, Ashary Palawan Maute.

Three of the intercepted passengers — Messrs. Cota, Mawiyag and Abdulcahar Racman Maute — were later released after authorities confirmed that “there is no derogatory record against their name.”

“One is positive of arrest order no. 2, as far as I know. That is why a case will be immediately filed to the court. That is what I know. The other [three] are subject to further questioning,” Mr. Padilla said.

Arrest order no. 2 was issued by the Department of National Defense last May 29, covering 125 individuals allegedly involved in the Marawi siege.

However, Mr. Padilla said he has no knowledge of the exact participation of the nabbed suspect to the rebellion.

“Being part of a rebellion does not only constitute being an armed part of the rebellion in the thick of the fighting. It also includes those who are supporting the rebellion in terms of finances and other means,” Mr. Padilla said.

“They might be part of that network who is providing support, say logistics or monetary in nature. Anyone who helps in the rebellion, in any manner, is guilty [in] the name of rebellion,” he added.

The military official also commended the Bureau of Immigration (BI) for it has “once again exhibited its alertness and performance of duty,” when it barred the four suspects from leaving the country.

“We thank them for this effort and for that accomplishment. Hopefully there will be more that will be discovered trying to get out or trying to come in that will be brought to the bars of justice,” Mr. Padilla said.

Mr. Padilla also reported that as of yesterday, 90 soldiers have been killed in the still ongoing fight in Marawi City with the Maute group, which has a casualty count of 381. At least 39 civilians have also died. — Jil Danielle M. Caro

Alleged brains behind Korean slay seeks bail

POLICE SUPERINTENDENT Rafael P. Dumlao III, alleged mastermind in the kidnap-murder of Korean businessman Ick Joo Jee, has appealed for provisional liberty before a local trial court.

In a three-page petition filed before the Angeles City Pampanga Regional Trial Court Branch 58, Mr. Dumlao asked to be allowed to post bail for the charge of kidnapping for ransom with homicide.

Mr. Dumlao challenged the evidence against him, saying it was not strong enough and that he was able to defend his innocence in his counter-affidavit.

“For failure to establish the participation of [Mr.] Dumlao vis-a-vis all the elements of the crimes charged, the evidence against the accused is rendered weak — at the very least — and gives ground for the grant of bail,” the petition reads.

Part of Mr. Dumlao’s counter-affidavit reads: “The testimony of witnesses and records of the investigation have no showing that I performed any overt act that would make me liable for the crime of kidnapping for ransom and illegal detention with homicide. It is crystal clear that I was never present in the kidnapping and/or detention of the victims, including the event of his eventual demise.”

Also charged for kidnapping for ransom and homicide are Senior Police Office (SPO)3 Ricky M. Sta. Isabel, National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) “striker” Jerry Omlang, and Roy T. Villegas; while GREAM Funeral Services owner Gerardo G. Santiago was charged as an accessory to the crime.

Mr. Jee was kidnapped from his residence in Angeles City, Pampanga on Oct. 18 last year. The same night, he was brought to the police headquarters in Camp Crame where he was allegedly strangled to death by Mr. Sta. Isabel.

All the accused have been arraigned before the sala of Angeles City RTC Branch 58 Presiding Judge Irineo Pangilinan, Jr. — Kristine Joy V. Patag

Davao ICT reviewing industry road map after drop in Tholons list

DAVAO CITY — Information and communication technology (ICT) stakeholders in Davao City are revisiting their industry road map after London-based consultancy firm Tholons, Inc. downgraded the city’s standing in the top 100 outsourcing destinations.

Lawyer Samuel R. Matunog, president of ICT Davao, Inc., said they held a meeting last week to discuss the latest Tholons report, which placed the city at the 85th rank among top industry destinations, down from 69th last year.

“We have decided to review our industry road map so that we can address the gaps,” said Mr. Matunog.

He added that the association will be drafting specific steps that would have to be undertaken.

Mr. Matunog said ICT Davao does not believe that the report entirely reflects the true standing of the city’s industry, but the group is taking it seriously because the Tholons ranking is valued by foreign locators.

The company is an adviser on global outsourcing and research. It has been producing annual reports on the top 100 outsourcing destinations in the world.

What brought down the standing of Davao City were the indices on digital and innovation, which received significant weightage for the first time this year. The city was also still near the bottom on infrastructure, talent, skill and quality of life. On the other hand, the report cited the city’s best aspect was the cost of doing business.

Mr. Matunog said he believes “for certain that the track record of our players in innovation speaks for itself.”

He added that he also “cannot believe how we can rank low in the quality of our human resource with five autonomous universities based in Davao City alone,” and cited that Manila-based industry leaders have recognized the skilled manpower in the city.

In April, during the Philippine Impact Sourcing Conference in the city, Benedict C. Hernandez, board chair of the Contact Center Association of the Philippines, said the city has evolved faster than expected from just a recruitment area to one of the top areas in the country for locators. — Carmelito Q. Francisco

QC Councilor and basketball coach Pumaren faces tax evasion raps; 2 restaurants also slapped with complaint

FRANZ S. PUMAREN, a councilor of Quezon City and coach of a professional basketball team, faces taxes evasion raps filed by the Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) on Tuesday.

The BIR, through Assistant Commissioner James H. Roldan, filed the complaint against retail company All Best Chodvale Development Incorporated and its president, Mr. Pumaren, for allegedly failing to pay taxes amounting to more than P20.45 million in 2009.

Mr. Pumaren is currently serving his second term as councilor, and working as coach of the PBA’s GlobalPort Batang Pier team as well as the UAAP’s Adamson University Falcons.

2 RESTAURANTS
Also facing a tax evasion complaint worth P4.29 million is Bistro Italiano and its president, William A. Stelton, and treasurer, Lawrence C. Ong, for the taxable year 2007.

Another restaurant, Cebu Fiesta, is facing a complaint for almost P8 million for calendar year 2008.

Citing investigation records of BIR Quezon City, Mr. Roldan said the three companies were informed of their tax liabilities, but failed to make a reply or to comply with the notices.

“The respondents’ obstinate failure and continued refusal to pay their long overdue deficiency taxes, despite repeated demands, constitute willful failure to pay taxes due to the government,” Mr. Roldan said.

The three count as the 41st-43rd cases filed under the government’s Run After Tax Evaders program. — Kristine Joy V. Patag

NEDA takes PDP 2017-2022 on a road show as regions present localized development plans

REGIONAL OFFICES of the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) are launching their respective Regional Development Plans (RDP) 2017 — 2022 beginning this month as NEDA takes the national development blueprint on a road show around the country. The Philippine Development Plan (PDP) 2017-2022, launched in June, is anchored on the Duterte administration’s 0-10-point socioeconomic agenda and is the first medium-term development plan geared towards the country’s long-term vision, AmBisyon Natin 2040. “These regional road shows are part of the agency’s efforts to vigorously promote the implementation of the PDP… The RDPs complement the PDP in promoting inclusive growth, as these focus on regional challenges while being aligned with the national plan,” Socioeconomic Planning Secretary Ernesto M. Pernia said in a statement yesterday. The road show’s first stop was in Davao last July 7, and was held yesterday in the South Cotabato-Cotabato-Sultan Kudarat-Sarangani-General Santos City Region. Other regions lined up are: Western Visayas (July 14), Northern Mindanao (July 18), Cagayan Valley (July 26), Zamboanga Peninsula (July 27), Central Visayas (July 31), and Caraga (August 1). Meanwhile, the launch of the Cordillera Administrative Region’s RDP is ongoing with a traditional gong relay around the region until July 14.

More communist rebels surrender in Ilocos Sur

THREE MORE New People’s Army (NPA) members surrendered to the military in Sta. Cruz, Ilocos Sur, according to Army Lt. Col. Eugenio C. Osias IV. This brings the number of rebels who surrendered to 11 since January this year. Mr. Osias did not give out the names of the three. Major-General Angelito M. de Leon, commanding general of the 7th Infantry Division, commended the former rebels for their decision to lay down their arms. “I call on other NPA members to also take advantage and avail of CLIP (Comprehensive Local Integration Program) so that they can start a new life outside the armed struggle,” Mr. De Leon said. — philstar.com

Sole proprietorships in Cebu on the rise, but capitalization lower

REGISTERED SINGLE owner businesses in Cebu province went up in the first half of 2017 at 9,288 from 7,878 in the same period last year, the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) reported. However, total capitalization of these enterprises stood at P1.2 billion, down from P2.3 billion during the period in review. Zaide C. Bation, consumer welfare head at DTI-Cebu, said one factor that triggered the increase is the mandatory submission of DTI business registration as a pre-requisite for enterprises applying for a mayor’s business permit in almost all local government units. The increase in business name registration is also partly attributed to the establishment of Negosyo Centers, which also handle business registration, in various municipalities and cities in the province. “Hopefully this trend (the increase) will continue [for the rest of the year],” Ms. Bation told The Freeman. She added that registration is also seen to further pick up this year as more Negosyo Centers are planned for opening. Last year, at least nine centers were established and at least 16 more are lined up this year. — The Freeman

Another paramilitary volunteer shot dead in Pikit

SUSPECTED RELIGIOUS extremists shot dead Monday an off-duty militiaman in Pikit town, the fourth murder of a paramilitary volunteer in the province in about four months. Chief Inspector Donald Cabigas of the Pikit municipal police said the fatality, Gilbert Samonte, Sr., was cutting grass along a stretch of a highway in Barangay Dalingaoen when two men on a motorcycle arrived, pulled over and fired at him. The suspects also shot and wounded Mr. Samonte’s son, Gilbert Jr., who is now confined in a hospital. The suspects escaped before responding soldiers guarding a roadside detachment about 40 meters away arrived at the scene. Local officials are convinced the murder of Mr. Samonte could be related still to the deep-seated animosity among local members of the Citizens Armed Forces Geographical Unit (CAFGU) residing at the border of North Cotabato’s adjoining Aleosan and Pikit towns and Moro guerillas led by Abdulrashid Ali. Ali is known in the military and police intelligence communities as a violent religious extremist wanted for various criminal offenses. Ali’s group is suspected to be behind three earlier fatal attacks on off-duty CAFGUs based in Pikit and Aleosan. — philstar.com

Cebu City eyes centralized 911 emergency system

THE CEBU City government is eyeing to set up a centralized emergency response hot line using 911, Mayor Tomas R. Osmeña announced, with initial discussions already held with PLDT, Inc. as service provider. “We’re trying to integrate all our services into one number. They’re (PLDT) going to prepare a program for us,” Mr. Osmeña told reporters in a press conference Monday. The hot line, with calls to be monitored by the city’s Command Control Center with help from Cebu City Disaster Risk Reduction Management Council (CCDRRMC), will cover services for police assistance, ambulance, fire, and other emergency situations. The mayor said the project has no allocated budget yet, but he intends to use the city’s disaster funds. The arrangement with PLDT, he added, will not be a partnership. “It’s not a partnership. We’re going to be just a customer… They will provide the services which we will pay. We don’t have to worry about maintenance,” he said. — The Freeman

Coal power and economic development

My Cup of LibertyBienvenido S. Oplas, Jr.

Cheaper and stable energy means cheaper production costs for the industrial, agricultural, and services sectors of the economy. Cheaper energy also results in increased convenience for consumers too as many activities now are impossible without stable electricity supply.

In the modern history of Asian economies’ rapid growth, the use of coal power is an important contributor for their economic expansion.

These numbers show three important things:

(1) Countries that have high and fast coal consumption are also those that experienced faster economic expansion (at least three times expansion of GDP size). Most especially China, India, South Korea, Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia, and Philippines.

(2) Countries with declining coal use are also those with slow economic expansion (below three times expansion of GDP size). Most notable are the US, Russia, Germany, and UK.

(3) Philippines’ coal use is actually small compared to its neighbors; its 2016 use is just nearly 1/2 of Malaysia and Vietnam’s consumption, just 1/3 of Taiwan’s and almost 1/5 of Indonesia’s. South Korea, Japan, India, and China’s consumption are many times bigger than the Philippines’.

Recently, groups have suddenly scored seven coal power plants that entered into power supply agreements (PSA) with Meralco last year. These coal projects are (1) Atimonan One Energy (A1E) 1,200 MW, (2) Global Luzon (GLEDC) 600 MW, (3) Central Luzon Premiere (CLPPC) 528 MW, (4) Mariveles Power (MPGC) 528 MW, (5) St. Raphael Power (SRPGC) 400 MW, (6) Redondo Peninsula (RPE) 225 MW, and (7) Panay Energy (PEDC) 70 MW.

This covers a total of 3,550 MW of stable and affordable energy that can lead to cheaper and reliable electricity supply for more than 20 million people in Metro Manila, Bulacan, Rizal, Cavite, Laguna, and parts of Batangas and Quezon provinces.

These groups — Center for Energy, Ecology, and Development (CEED), Philippine Movement for Climate Justice (PMCJ), Sanlakas, Freedom from Debt Coalition (FDC), Koalisyong Pabahay ng Pilipinas (KPP), Power for People (P4P) member organizations, others — argue that coal plants are detrimental for the people’s health and livelihood as well as bad for the environment.

They are wrong.

What is bad for the people’s health and livelihood are more candles and noisy gensets running on diesel when there are frequent brownouts coming from intermittent, unreliable renewables like solar and wind. Candles are among the major causes of fires in houses and communities.

What is bad for people’s health and security are dark streets at night that contribute to more road accidents, more street robberies, abduction and rapes, murders and other crimes. Many LGUs reduce costs of street lighting when electricity prices are high (ever-rising feed-in-tariff or FiT for renewables, more expensive oil peaking plants are used during peak hours, etc.). Expensive and unstable electricity can kill people today, not 100 years from now.

Seeking to disenfranchise some 3,550 MW of stable and cheaper energy supply from seven coal plants is suspicious. There are no big hydro, geothermal, and biomass plants coming in. Wind and solar are limited by their intermittent nature, have low capacity factors, high capital expenditures, and often are located far away from the main grid. The only beneficiaries of disenfranchising big capacity coal plants then would be the owners of new natural gas plants.

Are natural gas cheaper than coal power? From the recent experience of Mindanao where many big coal plants were commissioned almost simultaneously, the answer seems to be No. The generation price in Mindanao has gone down to below P3/kWh, on certain days even below P2.50/kWh. Which means coal power has big leeway for lower price if competition becomes tighter. This cannot be said of natural gas plants here.

Consumer groups and NGOs should bat for cheaper, stable electricity. If they fight for something else like intermittent and expensive renewables, or more expensive gas plants, then they abdicate their role as representatives of consumer interests. Pathetic.


Click to enlarge

Bienvenido S. Oplas, Jr. is the head of Minimal Government Thinkers and a Fellow of SEANET, both are members of Economic Freedom Network (EFN) Asia.

minimalgovernment@gmail.com

The Geopolitics of the Hague Ruling on the South China Sea Dispute

Thinking Beyond PoliticsRenato Cruz De Castro

On 12 July 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration delivered its long-awaited ruling on the protracted dispute between the Philippines and China. The PCA ruled in favor of the Philippines in 14 of its 15 claims against China in the South China Sea. To recap, here are a few of the court’s important findings:

¥ China’s claims — defined by the nine-dash line — is a violation of international law.

¥ Although the Spratly Islands were historically used by small groups of fishermen and several fishing and guano mining enterprises, these land features could not sustain habitation by a stable community.

¥ None of the Spratly Islands is capable of generating extended maritime zones. It noted that these features now have installations with maintenance personnel.

¥ These modern presences are dependent on outside resources. In fact, many of the features have been modified to improve their habitability.

¥ Chinese reclamation and construction projects infringe on Philippine territorial rights.

¥ China erred in destroying the maritime environment by building artificial islands and illegally preventing Filipinos from fishing and exploring oil in area.

Furthermore, the PCA determined that China violated the rights and obligations of nations utilizing the ocean by destroying the marine environment through its constructions of artificial islands; openly defied Philippines sovereign rights by interfering with oil and gas exploration at the Reed Bank; and illegally constructed a facility on Mischief Reef, which sits on the Philippine continental shelf.

THE GEOPOLITICS OF THE PCA RULING
The PCA award is a strong assertion of the impartiality and effectiveness of the dispute resolution mechanism of UNCLOS and, more significantly, the triumph of the Philippines’ liberal approach over China’s realpolitik approach.

The ruling, however, is not simply a sweeping legal victory and a decisive setback for China. It is a game changer that may transform the strategic milieu of the disputes, reshaping the actors’ strategies and identities, and strongly motivating them to change their courses of actions.

At the core of this change is the newfound clarity that China’s claim, based on the nine-dash line, has neither legal nor historical foundation. The ruling made clear that no country can lawfully assert “historic rights” in the high seas.

The ruling exposed China’s expansive claim as a component of a long-term maritime strategy aimed at eroding America’s preponderant position in the region, weakening the credibility of US security commitments, fragmenting ASEAN and other regional bodies, and coercing specific regional states to accommodate its self-defined and self-proclaimed “core interests.”

In the mid-1980s, Admiral Liu Huaqing, the commander of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN), announced the “Near Seas Active Defense” doctrine. This doctrine called for the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to form layered defenses to deter a potential adversary from threatening China from the sea. In the 1990s, China developed an arsenal of ballistic and cruise missiles aimed at virtually every US airbase and port in the Western Pacific.

These weapons are also designed to sink vessels operating hundreds of miles off China’s coast. Chinese military planners believe that their missiles, with anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) capabilities, can adequately prevent the US Navy from intervening or provoking a confrontation with China. Chinese control of the South China Sea will extend the PLA’s A2/AD. This will enable the PLA to deploy submarines, surface combatants, and aircraft to delay or deter US response to regional crisis.

Using satellite photos, the Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative revealed that while the ASEAN and China are negotiating a framework of a binding Code of Conduct, the construction of military and dual-use facilities on Chinese-occupied land features continues. The PLA has built missile shelters, radar/communication facilities, and other infrastructures that imply that while China is engaged in negotiations with ASEAN, it remains committed in developing its military capabilities.

STATUS QUO OR REVISIONISM?
In the light of these developments, the PCA ruling forces states in the region to take sides — either to be on the side of international law (or the status quo) or against it (revisionism leading to China’s domination of the South China Sea). Prior to the ruling, regional states articulated their own interpretations of the disputes and preferred to be fence-sitters.

The PCA award also produces the basis and motivation for cooperation among states that are threatened by China’s expansion and are supportive of international law. Before the ruling, the maxim of “each to his own” hindered these states from engaging in robust cooperation to constrain China’s maritime expansion. With the PCA’s ruling, littoral states like the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Vietnam can join forces and lawfully align themselves with major naval powers like the United States, Japan, Australia, and India to defend their EEZ against Chinese encroachment, and rationalize this effort to uphold international law.

If cooperation before the ruling could be interpreted as taking sides and ganging up on China, now it can be regarded as a collective effort by the international community to defend the rule-based order against an aggressive and expansionist power.

On July 12, Stratbase ADR Institute will hold a forum titled “The Framework Code of Conduct, One Year After Arbitration.” The by-invitation forum will feature insights from Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana, Justice Antonio Carpio, Dr. Jay Batongbacal, former National Security adviser Roilo Golez, Dr. Ginnie Bacay-Watson, and Mr. Koichi Ai, in addition to Ambassador Albert del Rosario.

Renato Cruz De Castro is a Trustee of Stratbase ADR Institute, and a Professor in DLSU-Manila.

A realistic view of Philippine-American relations

Ad LibGreg B. Macabenta

With the observance of Philippine-American Friendship Day last July 4, and the current “tentative” state of relations between the Philippines and the United States, there is a need to take a more realistic view of this relationship.

The popular impression is that the “special relations” between our two countries had always been an immutable fact, until the election of President Rodrigo Duterte. Just a few months into his presidency, Duterte is said to have spoiled that “ideal” relationship with his harsh — even vulgar — statements against America and President Barack Obama, as well as Duterte’s announced “separation” from the US, and his overt efforts to cuddle up to China and Russia.

While Duterte may have, indeed, ruffled feathers in Washington DC and the US embassy in Manila, America appears to have taken a more “tolerant” attitude towards the Philippines in the face of his loose cannon actuations. One indication is the assistance that US forces readily gave to the Philippine military in fighting ISIS-backed insurgents in Marawi, a conflict that continues to rage as of this writing.

Knowledgeable observers believe that Philippine-US relations were more stressed with the closure of the Subic Bay Naval Base and Clark Air Base during the incumbency of President Corazon Aquino, and the decision of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo to withdraw the small Philippine military contingent from the US-led allied forces in Iraq.

But even that had no significant impact on Philippine-US trade relations, and the bilateral bond between the two countries subsequently normalized, during the incumbency of President Benigno S. C. Aquino III.

The truth is that relations between the Philippines and the US have always been both close and distant, affectionate and troubled, special and yet not as special as American relations with other countries like its former enemy, Japan.

But it is a relationship that will last because it is mutually beneficial.

The reason why the US will continue to have a special interest in the Philippines, an interest that a “temporary” pain in the neck like Duterte will not permanently impair, is that it is necessary for the US — politically, economically, and militarily — to maintain a strong presence in Asia, and the Philippines occupies a strategic geographical position in the area This has become particularly important with the emergence of China as a threat to America’s pivotal role in the region.

Similarly, it is important for the Philippines to have the US as a trading partner and as a military shield, no matter what kind of bluster may be mouthed by Duterte and the anti-US “nationalists.” The current fighting in Marawi has simply underscored that dependence on US military assistance.

This is the pragmatic reality of Philippine-US relations on a government-to-government basis. But it is different from the genuinely special relationship between the two countries on a people-to-people basis.

In the latter respect, the special relationship was established over a century ago when the Philippines became a colony of America. It was forged on the blazing anvil of battle during World War II and the blood-drenched fields of Corregidor and Bataan.

This relationship saw America setting up the Philippine civil service, teachers aboard the USS Thomas (the Thomasites) realigning the Philippine educational system away from Spain and towards the new colonizers, and Filipino pensionados being dispatched for special studies in the US in preparation for the Commonwealth and, thence, independence.

In the early 1900s, this relationship also saw droves of Filipino workers being recruited for America’s farmlands in California and Washington State, and the canneries in Alaska (the forerunners of the manongs). In the mid ’60s, planeloads of Filipino doctors, nurses, accountants, and other professionals immigrated to America to work and reside permanently — a diaspora different from the short-term dispersal of OFWs to the Middle East.

This special relationship has resulted in today’s ethnic Filipino population in the US of over four million, with the majority either assuming US citizenship or comprising a growing second and third generation of Americans with roots in the Philippines.

There are still many Philippine nationalists who cannot forget that over a quarter of a million Filipino lives were lost in the colonization and pacification of the country at the turn of the last century, and that the granting of independence to the Philippines had military and economic strings attached.

This has rankled and was one of the reasons why the observance of Philippine Independence Day was moved from July 4th, granted by the US, to June 12th, the date of Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo’s declaration of kasarinlan in Kawit, Cavite,

But the benefits that Filipinos believe they have received from America far outweigh the memories of past atrocities, even if Duterte has raked up these atrocities in his tirades against the US.

Opinion polls indicate that, in spite of Duterte’s seeming hostility, 92% of Filipinos regard America and the American people favorably. Typical of the Pinoy character (a combination of childlike naivete and a capacity for unending loyalty), Filipinos expect the same attitude from Americans — a paternalistic attitude or, at least, the attitude of a big brother towards a younger sibling.

The book, Little Brown Brother, by Leon Wolff, takes a more pragmatic view of this attitude and the expectation of special treatment for the Philippines by the US — an expectation that puzzles ordinary American and officials in Washington DC.

America was born out of a desire of the colonists, the pioneers and the frontiersmen for independence from Great Britain. Americans are raised from childhood to be self-reliant. They are trained to believe that there is no such thing as a free lunch. They are accustomed to setting out on their own upon reaching adulthood, or paying rent in their parents’ household once they have a job. Thus, they generally, do not feel an obligation to give their aging parents the special care that Filipinos believe they owe their elders.

While this may disturb the elderly, Filipinos in America must confront the harsh reality that their children, and their children’s children, are Americans, raised according to American norms of self-reliance. In their old age, Pinoy parents must accept the fact that the babies that they raised, fed, clothed and supported into adulthood now have their own families to raise, feed, and support.

This is one reason why many Filipino-American old-timers are seriously considering retiring in the Philippines. In the land of their birth, they will be surrounded and pampered by relatives and househelp, the latter being affordable even on their meager social security pensions. The downside is that they expect relatives to constantly ask them for a handout. Another, even more critical, downside is the lack of health care facilities, particularly preventive and maintenance care.

President Duterte has declared that he wants to demonstrate that the Philippines is an independent and sovereign nation beholden to no foreign power. That is well and good.

In such a case, the Filipino people will have to accept the blunt reality that any special favors that they expect from the United States will require a quid pro quo. A special favor in return. An equivalent pound of flesh.

The days of the Little Brown Brother are long gone.

Greg B. Macabenta is an advertising and communications man shuttling between San Francisco and Manila and providing unique insights on issues from both perspectives.

gregmacabenta@hotmail.com