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For decades, scholars in social movements have been struggling to know why and how movements mobilize. Their earlier works have been useful in informing us about the importance of social problems and how and what type of “collective behavior” and calculated “collective action” would emerge to address them. Subsequent scholars have also looked at the relevance of “resources,” “opportunities” to intervene, and the existing “political processes” for the emergence, changes, and decline of movements. Later on, a new breed of theorists offered claims and theories that focus on the role of “identities,” schema of ideas or “framings” and their alignments, “emotions,” among other things, in understanding contemporary social movements.
The battle against the COVID-19 pandemic has taken most of the time, resources, and energy of the government, and much has been written about the exasperation of citizens with the seeming lack of cohesion and unified action of authorities to mitigate the effects of the health emergency. In a move that is seen more as a panic reaction rather than as part of a strategic plan, the government has deployed the military and police to the frontlines, literally, to carry out its major strategy to address the health crisis: for people to practice social or physical distancing.
On the morning of May 6, TV viewers in Metro Manila woke to an off-the-air ABS-CBN Channel Two. Instead of the morning news and talk-show, static drowned the TV screen. On May 4, Republic Act No. 7966, the law granting ABS CBN a 25-year franchise to broadcast on television and radio, prescribed. The following day, May 5, the National Telecommunications Commission (NTC) issued a Cease and Desist Order stopping ABS-CBN from operating its television and radio broadcasting stations absent a valid Congressional franchise as required by law. The law cited was Republic Act No. 3846 or the Radio Control Law of 1963.
School closures have been one of the most massive forms of mitigation that states and societies have undertaken to flatten the coronavirus curve. As a major form of social distancing, it entails the complete shutdown of school and university campuses from students and workers and a shift to online learning as well as online operations, which became an emerging practice in few places.
Currently, the country has a National Security Policy and Strategy (NSPS) that very few in the government and the private sector know about. The document fails to provide guidance and foresight in light of crisis and hazardous situations. This is a major factor on how the government now responds to the COVID-19 pandemic issue: the government offers no clear strategy on how to get out of this crisis.
In recent weeks, the internet has been bursting with viral stories on disgruntled labor: a Virra Mall security guard taking hostages and demanding that “his voice be heard,” a young girl enslaved as a POGO worker, Honda workers demanding a “dignified ending” and fair severance pay, and, workers of ABS-CBN protesting the non-renewal of the TV network’s franchise. In this piece, I argue that these recent events reveal that there is a clear conflict between the value for equality (i.e which informs the belief that there is dignity in labor) and hierarchy (or management prerogative as the foundation of the capitalist ethos).
It has been four years since the Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) turned over its Report that sought to study and analyze historical injustice, legitimate grievances, human rights violations, and marginalization through land dispossession in the Bangsamoro, and since then, several national and regional initiatives on transitional justice have materialized.
The term “oligarchy” again enters our popular imagination. With the celebration of the EDSA People Power Revolution today, there are those who will point out that this revolution succeeded in merely doing what the word “revolution” literally imputes: replacing the singular will of the dictator Ferdinand Marcos with the interests of diversified economic and political elites.
The World Health Organization (WHO) declared the 2019 novel coronavirus (2019-nCoV) disease outbreak as Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC) on Jan. 30. The WHO International Health Regulations (IHR, 2005), 3rd edition defines PHEIC “as an extraordinary event which is determined, as provided in these Regulations (i) to constitute a public health risk to other States through the international spread of disease and (ii) to potentially require a coordinated international response.” Public health risk is defined as “a likelihood of an event that may affect adversely the health of human populations, with an emphasis on one which may spread internationally or may present a serious and direct danger.” WHO Director-General Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus explained during a news conference at WHO’s Geneva headquarters that the declaration of 2019-nCov outbreak as PHEIC was made because of “the potential for the virus to spread to countries with weaker health systems, and which are ill-prepared to deal with the disease outbreak.” At the time of the declaration, the WHO recorded 7,834 confirmed cases, including 7,736 in China, and 98 cases in 18 countries outside China, plus eight cases of human-to-human transmission in four countries: Germany, Japan, Vietnam, and the United States of America. WHO also recorded 170 deaths all in China due to the outbreak.
For over 14 years, the Global Gender Gap Index has charted the relative gaps between women and men in the areas of the economy, education, health, and politics. It has served as a measure for policy and programmatic decisions to improve the status of women. Specifically, the Global Gender Gap Index has the following sub-indexes and ratios:
Internationalization “at the national, sector, and institutional levels is defined as the process of integrating an international, intercultural, or global dimension into the purpose, functions or delivery of postsecondary education” (Knight, J. 2015).
I always visit the konbini whenever I visit Japan. Japanese convenience stores or konbini are not only open 24/7 and have quintessential Japanese snacks such as nikuman, karaage, oden, and onigiri; they also provide much needed services such as ATMs, delivery services, and bill payments. Indeed, konbini are inextricably linked to my Japanese experience: my first memories as an exchange student was eating curry bread from a konbini, I often practiced my Japanese whenever I bought and talked to the owner of our neighborhood konbini, and still I love to hear the “Irasshaimase” greeting as I enter a konbini.
The first month of 2020 has given us much to consider. The current climate of unrest in the Middle East, the sudden eruption of Taal Volcano, and the emergence of the coronavirus strain from Wuhan, China has no doubt given us more than a little cause for pause. It has also brought to the fore the different roles that the Philippine State plays in responding to the needs of Filipinos in times of crisis, whether natural or manmade.
MeToo is a movement against sexual violence -- it calls out perpetrators of violence and places them in an arena of shame. Unfortunately, in most cases, those who come out and share their MeToo narrative are met with doubt, blame, and are shamed themselves; in other instances, they are lauded by some for their courage amidst tragedy but they turn a blind eye to perpetrators whom they know.
The passage of the Transnational Higher Education Act (RA 11448) in August 2019 signals the Philippine government’s openness to a shift from a focus on student and academic mobility to the mobility of programs and of educational providers in its educational internationalization strategy.
Article IV, Section 3 of Republic Act No. 11054 -- otherwise known as the Organic Law for the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) -- states that “the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region shall have a parliamentary form of government.” This is repeated in Article VIII, Section 1 on the Wali: “Consistent with a parliamentary form of government, there shall be a Wali who shall serve as the ceremonial head of the Bangsamoro Government.”
These past few years, we have witnessed a renewed and resurging interest in Filipino history and heroism. This is most evident in popular culture, with the release of semi-autobiographical films such as Heneral Luna and Goyo, and works that depict the tumultuous 1970s and ’80s, such as Liway, ML, and Respeto. In many universities, theater productions such as Dekada ’70, Desaparesidos, Nana Rosa, and The Kundiman Party invite audiences to reflect and revisit our wellspring of memory as a nation.
“Can rights and values be universal if they seem, even after lengthy explanations of the communitarian case, to be rationed by a subset of rules about sovereign boundaries? Perhaps we should agree to think of rights and values as limited resources...” -- Jeremy Harding, “Europe at Bay,” London Review of Books 34(3), 2012
Every year from Nov. 25 to Dec. 12, the Philippines observes an 18-Day Campaign to End Violence Against Women (VAW). This annual 18-day campaign was inspired by the global 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence, an international campaign coordinated by the Center for Women’s Global Leadership. First launched in 1991, the core 16 Days of Activism against VAW takes place every year beginning on Nov. 25 and ending on Dec. 10 which is an International Human Rights Day, hence, affirming that violence against women is a human rights violation.
Let us understand something: sexual violence is not about sex alone -- it is about power that one forces over another and uses sexual advances to achieve their goal. As argued by Susan Brownmiller, author of Against our Will (1975), “a conscious process of intimidation by which all men keep all women in a state of fear.” Thus, rape is about power through the use of sexual violence.
The period of Nov. 10 to 16 is Deaf Awareness Week in the Philippines, while Dec. 3 is the “International Day of Persons with Disabilities (PWDs) in the Philippines. The annual celebrations of Deaf Awareness Week and the International Day of PWDs in the country started in 1991 and 2006, respectively.
Last October, a series of strong earthquakes hit Central Mindanao (Region XI, Region XII and BARMM), killing and injuring people, displacing thousands of residents, and damaging and/or destroying thousands of structures. According to the group Save the Children, more than 3 million school-aged children were affected, with more than 180 classrooms completely destroyed. Kidapawan City, Davao, and Cotabato are among the areas that are reported to have incurred major damage in infrastructure.
In this post-truth age, institutional autonomy is the most valuable attribute that universities vigorously defend. We see more and more cases around the world of how governments have directly and indirectly challenged academic freedom. From the dwindling support of politically sensitive research projects to the closing down of universities altogether, these threats make higher education’s responsibility to engage with and for society more difficult than ever.
AS OF THIS writing, more than 30 bills proposing the creation of a separate department for Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) have been filed in the House of Representatives and the Senate. In this piece, I present the proposed bills and then lay out the positions of the various stakeholders, from government and civil society, as shared during a round table discussion (RTD) on Sept. 13 which I participated in. The RTD was organized by the Center for Migrant Advocacy – Philippines (CMA) and the Working Group on Migration (WGM) of the Department of Political Science of Ateneo de Manila University (full disclosure: I am affiliated with both organizations). After presenting the various positions, I add my own thoughts on what should be considered in this policy debate.
As of this writing, more than 30 bills proposing the creation of a separate department for Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) have been filed in the House of Representatives and the Senate. The proposal is not new. It was one of President Duterte’s campaign promises in 2016, but it was vigorously pursued until recently, in July 2019, when the President gave a directive to the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) to ensure that the new department is created before the end of the year. According to President Duterte, this new department was necessary “to protect migrant workers from illegal recruitment.”
Security Sector, according to the United Nations, is a broad term often used to describe the structures, institutions, and personnel responsible for the management, provision and oversight of security in a country. Security institutions include defense, law enforcement, corrections, intelligence services, border management, customs, elements of the judicial sector, management and oversight bodies, and other non-state actors and civil society groups.
Forty-five years ago, a massacre took place in the town of Malisbong, Palimbang, Sultan Kudarat. Those who were children then remember their fathers and older brothers being taken to the Tacbil Mosque, never to see them alive again; they remember their mothers holding their hands as they were herded to a naval boat named Mindoro where they huddled day and night under the heat of the sun and the cold of the night -- no food, no water, no armor against the elements. They remember the elderly and children their own age getting so weak, sick, and being thrown overboard -- bodies never to be found. They remember young women making themselves ugly in order not to be taken fancy to by armed groups and ending up being raped and sexually violated.
In 1989, ex-President Ferdinand Marcos was dying. Exiled in Hawaii since February 1986, the Marcos family asked the Philippine government of President Corazon Aquino to let them to return to the country and allow Marcos to die here. Aquino refused, arguing that the return of the Marcoses would have dire consequences on political stability and economic recovery. Marcos took legal action and filed a special civil action suit for mandamus and prohibition with the Supreme Court. Made respondents were a number of senior officials of the Aquino administration led by then Department of Foreign Affairs Secretary Raul Manglapus. The writ of mandamus would order the respondents to issue the Marcoses the necessary travel documents to allow their return while the writ of prohibition would enjoin them from implementing the president’s ban.
It has been six years since the Zamboanga Siege took place on Sept. 9, 2016. It was an armed incursion into Zamboanga City led by a faction of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) loyal to Nur Misuari. Fighting ensued between the MNLF and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP).
This coming Sunday, Sept. 15, the world is being invited by the United Nations (UN) to commemorate the International Day of Democracy. Since the adoption of Resolution 7 by the UN General Assembly during its 62nd Session in 2007, the UN has committed, in word and institutional deed, to “to focus attention on the promotion and consolidation of democracy at all levels and reinforce international cooperation in this regard.”
In view of the Chinese maritime militia’s ramming of a Filipino vessel in Recto Bank on June 9, Supreme Court Senior Associate Justice Antonio Carpio proposed a number of “no war” techniques for pursuing the Philippines’ arbitral victory against China. One of the strategies would enjoin us together with Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Brunei, to enter into a convention that would collectively voice support for the ruling against China’s dashed lines. Accordingly, this convention will “leave China isolated as the only disputant state claiming EEZs from the Spratly islands.” All but Indonesia have laid a claim in the South China Sea.
There has been another uproar concerning gender and comfort rooms, thanks to an incident where one who was not born female (i.e. sex; physiological), who redefined their identity as a transwoman (i.e. gender; social construction and reconstruction), decided to use the women’s comfort room in a mall. The politicized image was that of transwoman being handcuffed and paraded out -- somehow reminiscent of a scene in Game of Thrones where Cersei was paraded naked in public, with a monotone but powerful word “Shame!” echoing behind the “accused.”
eHealth is described as “an innovation process rather than just a structure or technology for the delivery of better healthcare” according to Beraterbide and Kelsey (2009). In the experience of many countries in the region, innovations in eHealth did not only require the adoption of new technologies but also the accompanying organizational change that takes into consideration social, political, and economic context. Innovations in eHealth must be “usable, sustainable, and scalable” and “address population-level needs and priorities. At the same time, they should serve a broader purpose, expanding to other population groups and contexts” (Shuvo, 2015). It then becomes not just a technology and innovation challenge but a governance challenge -- one that requires long-term commitment from stakeholders and a painstaking process of calibrating technology, the existing architecture for innovation, and the end-user: the regular citizen. These technologies are considered disruptive and as such come with deployment issues but at the same time huge pay offs for both the regulatory and implementing bodies as well as the clients. It is in the “systemically organized interactions between governments, knowledge based institutions and financial arbitrageurs” (Bartels, 2013) that these pay offs (not the least of which is better quality health care) materialize.
Two Interlocking perspectives may be gleaned from the Chinese vessel-ramming of a Filipino boat F/B Gem-Ver that left 22 Filipino fishers abandoned in the waters off Recto Rank on June 9.
During President Rodrigo R. Duterte’s the State of the Nation Address (SONA) on July 22 he asked: “So where are we (the Philippines) really now today?”
I admit I did not watch the State of the Nation Address (SONA) live on July 22. But I had to see it because I teach Politics and Governance in the Loyola School of Social Sciences in the Ateneo de Manila University.
The State of the Nation Address (SONA) in the Philippines is an annual event that brings together all important personalities in the government -- executive, legislative, and judiciary -- under one roof, at the Batasang Pambansa. As a governmental tradition, it is a means for the president to inform the people about the current state of the nation and give recommendations to the legislature as regards to his/her agenda or priorities or proposed measures for the fiscal year. As a constitutional obligation (see Article VI, Section 15 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution), it mandates the president to deliver a speech about the state of the nation during the opening of the sessions of the national legislature (which is composed of the Senate and the House of Representatives).
July 12, 2019 marked the third anniversary of the Philippine’s victory in its arbitration case against China over the South China Sea. Three years ago, the Philippines received the arbitral award from the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague that favored Manila’s maritime claims over the West Philippine Sea and legally discredited China’s nine-dash line claims to the South China (which later became a “10-dash line” then “11-dash line”). The award upheld the Philippines’ rights to a full 200-nautical mile Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) in the West Philippine Sea.
Politics is swayed by the tempo and spirit of the times. Administrations in power, no matter how visionary, would always be compelled to act on the demands of the present. The Duterte administration, at the beginning of its term, presented itself as a cut different from past governments. The rhetoric of pursuing an “independent foreign policy” caught the attention of many, critics and supporters alike. Midway in its term, the “independence” of the country’s foreign policy remains contested.
Transitional justice has been one of the buzzwords in the peace agreement between the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), specifically, under the Annex on Normalization. True to its mandate, the Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) submitted its Final Report to both panels in March 2016, providing explanations for historical injustice, legitimate grievances, human rights violations, and marginalization through land dispossession, and offering analysis as to the root causes of the Bangsamoro conflict as well as recommendations based on the pillars of Dealing with the Past.
There is no shortage of anticipation in the lead-up to a scheduled 4th State of the Nation Address (SONA). The one this coming July 22 should be no exception. After all, the 4th SONA of any presidency occurs just a few months after the scheduled Midterm National and Local Elections. Any president, more so if his/her endorsed coalitions won with a comfortable margin, would take this opportunity not only to take pride in this, it will also try to build bipartisan confidence in order to pursue its agenda for the remaining three years -- unencumbered by the inflamed partisan attitudes fostered by the recently concluded fight.
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