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Czech Republic donates P6.7M for house repairs in typhoon Ompong-hit areas

THE Czech Republic government is donating P6.7 million for the rehabilitation of houses destroyed by typhoon Ompong (international name: Mangkhut), which hit communities in the northern Luzon area in September 2018. In a statement, the Czech Embassy said the project, to be implemented by the local branch of the US-based non-government organization Build Change, will cover most affected areas in the Cordillera Administrative Region, Cagayan Valley, Central Luzon and the Ilocos Region. “Build Change, supported by the Philippines Shelter Cluster, will collaborate with affected communities and organizations (in) carrying out shelter repair and rehabilitation programs by providing them with training and technical assistance to strengthen and improve the structural performance of houses,” the embassy said. The Czech government previously extended assistance in the aftermath of typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan) in 2013, and typhoon Nina (Nock-ten) in 2016.

DILG says Mindanao LGUs support martial law extension

LOCAL governments units (LGUs) in Mindanao support the extension of martial law, according to the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG). In a statement on Tuesday, DILG Spokesperson Jonathan E. Malaya said, “In fact, we have not heard of any local chief executive in Mindanao who opposes the extension.” He added that martial law would “ensure an improved security climate especially in election hotspots.” The statement also quotes Philippine Councilors League National Chairperson Danilo C. Dayanghirang, a councilor from Davao City, as saying that martial law has been good for economic developments in Mindanao. “Practically, the economy is up and criminality is down. Infrastructures and investments are growing due to an improved peace and order situation in Mindanao. Politically, we are very stable as well,” said Mr. Dayanghirang. The Senate and the House of Representatives are scheduled to hold a joint session today, to discuss the President’s request for maintaining martial law over the entire Mindanao islands until end-2019. — Vince Angelo C. Ferreras

Cayetanos say Comelec has no authority over disqualification cases

FORMER Foreign Affairs secretary Alan Peter S. Cayetano and his wife, exiting Taguig Mayor Maria Laarni “Lani” L. Cayetano, who are both running for congressional seats in two different districts in Taguig, have asserted that the Comission on Elections (Comelec) has no authority to evaluate their eligibility to run amid the disqualification cases filed against them. In both of the Verified Answers of Mr. and Ms. Cayetano dated Dec. 4, they said the Comelec “has no authority to determine a candidate’s qualification in pre-election petitions.” Last month, two separate petitions were filed seeking the cancellation of their Certificate of Candidacies (CoCs). Mr. Cayetano is running for the 1st District while Ms. Cayetano in the 2nd. The petitions, filed by Taguig voter Leonidas C. Buac Jr., cited that the married couple indicated different addresses in their CoCs, which is against the Family Code that states husband and wife must live together in one matrimonial residence. The Cayetanos said their eligibility to hold office has to be determined by the proper authority and not the Comelec. They added that a petition for quo warranto, which challenges one’s authority, could also be filed, but this process can only be done after the elections. — Gillian M. Cortez

Alae-Tagoloan bypass road full opening targeted for Nov. 2019

THE BYPASS road project that will link Alae, Bukidnon and Tagoloan, Misamis Oriental is now almost 90% done, but full completion and opening is expected only in Nov, 2019, according to the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH). In a statement on Dec. 10, DPWH-Region 10 Director Zenaida T. Tan said the Alae Bypass Road, which has so far received a P1.76-billion funding, still needs a P200 million allocation to finish. It involves the construction of a 10-kilometer (km) new road, improvement of a seven-km existing road, construction of three bridges spanning a total of 237 linear meters, with slope protection and drainage system components. The road covers Barangay Casinglot in Tagoloan, passing through sitios Malaiba and Bugna, Barangay Mantibugao, and Barangay Alae in Manolo Fortich, Bukidnon. “When completed, Alae Bypass Road will divert traffic along the busy Sayre Highway, Puerto-Alae Section. It will also serve as an alternate road towards (the) Mindanao Container Terminal (MCT) in Tagoloan, where cargo trucks coming from Bukidnon will be catered directly,” DPWH said.

Cebu LRT-BRT common stations priority to be up by 2020

COMPONENTS of the Metro Cebu Integrated Intermodal Transport System (MCIITS) are expected to be operational by 2020, particularly segments of the Light Rail Transit (LRT) and the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT). Presidential Assistant for the Visayas Michael Lloyd L. Dino, in a press release on Sunday, said this was agreed upon in a meeting with the Department of Transportation (DoTr) and the technical service consultant for the BRT and LRT. Phase one of the MCIITS, intended to address the worsening traffic congestion in Metro Cebu, would be the LRT, BRT, and their common stations. “Phase 1 will become operational and give Cebuano commuters the feel and experience of a modern and green transport project,” the statement reads. The BRT is now in the detailed engineering design stage while the LRT is in the proposal evaluation stage. DoTr projects that construction can start next year. “LRT shall be the main transport backbone that will cover the entire stretch of the metropolis. The transport needs of Cebu are felt even beyond the metro so that this LRT system will ferry substantial number of passengers from one point to another,” he said. The LRT system will connect Carcar City in the south and Danao City in the north. Meanwhile, the BRT and other transport components of MCIITS will serve as “feeder lines” of the LRT. — The Freeman

Duterte warns 2019 election candidates vs ‘terror’ tactics

PRESIDENT Rodrigo R. Duterte has warned all candidates in the 2019 midterm elections that he will personally arrest those who will be reported to be terrorizing voters. “Ke kasama kita sa gobyerno o kasama kita sa partido o kalaban kita sa politika (Whether you are a fellow government worker, party-mate, or political rival), do not terrorize, do not intimidate, do not create fear in the voters,” he said in a speech in San Miguel Bulacan last Monday. Mr. Duterte added, “‘Pag ginawa ninyo ‘yan ako mismo ang pupunta doon at ako mismo mag-aresto sa iyo (If you do that, I will personally go there and arrest you).” The President said voters should have the full freedom to choose whom to vote for. “Maski piliin nila ‘yung a — parang aso ‘yung ugali, eh pasensiya tayo (Even if they choose someone who acts like a dog, then we have to tolerate that).” He also reminded both the military and the police to remain neutral. “I would like to remind everybody in government, everybody…. lalo na ang (especially the) Armed Forces pati pulis (including the police), do not take sides! Either for or against my party, huwag kayong makialam (do not interfere),” he said. — Arjay L. Balinbin

Co-accused in drug case to turn state witness

THE DEPARTMENT of Justice (DoJ) has asked the Manila Regional Trial Court Branch 51 to discharge a co-accused of self-confessed drug distributor Kerwin Espinosa to become a state witness. The prosecution said Marcel L. Adorco has “consented to his discharge as an accused to become a witness for the State.” The DoJ said in its petition that “Mr. Adorco’s testimony is absolutely necessary as there is no direct evidence available for the proper prosecution of the offense committed.” It added, “The testimony of the said accused can be substantially corroborated in its material points.” The DoJ noted that under Section 17 Rule 119 of the Revised Rules on Criminal Procedure, the prosecution may move to discharge an accused with their consent, “after presentation of evidence and the sworn statement of each proposed state witnesses in support of the discharge.” Messrs. Espinosa and Adorco, along with convicted drug lord Peter Co, Lovely Impal and Ruel Malindangan, are facing two counts of violation of Republic Act 9165, the Comprehensive Dangerous Drugs Act. — Vann Marlo M. Villegas

To protect our rights, we must protect our institutions

Since martial law, the Philippines has come a long way when it comes to protecting human rights. On paper, our human rights regime is robust. The 1987 Constitution is a legal framework motivated by human rights, its drafting having been framed by our experience of martial law. We have ratified human rights conventions and enacted legislation to further protect us from state abuse and atrocious crimes such as torture, genocide, and crimes against humanity.
Apart from legislation, the Constitution established democratic institutions to control the exercise of state power that would, in turn, affect the exercise of our rights. It provided for an elaborate scheme of checks and balances as well as the separation of powers among the different branches of government. It established the Office of the Ombudsman, which has the broad power to prosecute public officials for any administrative and criminal offense committed through abuse of official position. It also created the Commission on Human Rights (CHR), the independent body mandated to investigate human rights abuses.
We celebrated these positive developments on Human Rights Day (Dec. 10). At the same time, we must also ask if these guarantees have become a lived reality for the people.
LOSSES
Duterte’s “war on drugs” has exposed the inefficacy of some of these guarantees. Since Duterte came to power, more than 30 human rights lawyers have been killed. Staunch critics have been arrested, ousted, threatened with legal proceedings, and harassed or trolled on social media. Journalists are no less safe.
It was only last year that Congress moved to reduce the annual budget of the CHR to P1,000. This can be construed as an effort to constructively abolish the only institution that could provide independent, accurate documentation of the killings arising from the drug war.
Another possible loss is the state’s withdrawal from the Rome Statute. If this happens, it gives the appearance of the state’s unwillingness to be held accountable amid allegations of crimes against humanity. The pending petition before the Supreme Court on the constitutionality of the withdrawal will thus test how real our commitments are to human rights accountability.
NO ACCOUNTABILITY FROM THE POWERFUL
Just less than two weeks ago, Kian delos Santos’s killers were convicted by the Caloocan Regional Trial Court for his death. This is a cause for celebration in a country notorious for impunity. However, some believe that the cops who were convicted are just scapegoats for the real masterminds of the drug war. Notably, the drug war provided the backdrop for Kian’s murder. And at present, there is still no person most responsible for the drug war who has been held accountable for the thousands of civilian deaths arising from the government’s anti-drug campaign.
We have also seen impunity in action in the past month. The recent Sandiganbayan conviction (but not really) of Imelda Marcos and the acquittal (but not really) of Bong Revilla arguably show this. These narratives are consistent with the country’s track record to let powerful people off the hook.
A MORE POWERFUL CHR
In connection with its primary mandate to investigate human rights abuses, the CHR can issue subpoenas addressed to the relevant government agency for the disclosure of information on matters subject of its investigation. However, should the agency fail to comply, the CHR does not have the power by itself to issue a contempt order. It must petition the relevant court for this remedy.
The weak sanction that backs up the CHR’s power of subpoena can make the work of the CHR more challenging. It also provides an incentive for noncompliance. After all, noncompliance does not immediately lead to sanction, thanks to an elaborate arrangement for the exercise of its contempt power.
Should the investigation call for prosecution, the CHR is mandated to submit its findings and recommendation to the proper prosecutorial office to act on the matter. Notably, the CHR does not have the power to prosecute, it can only investigate. The authority to prosecute for human rights violations is still lodged with the Department of Justice and the Office of the Ombudsman, which are free to disregard the CHR’s recommendations and conduct their own investigation.
The drug war exposed the flaw of this setup. Since the Department of Justice is an Executive department, it would be challenging to push for accountability for the persons most responsible for the drug war, given that this campaign is motivated by executive policy.
Thus, although the 1987 Philippine Constitution provided for the creation and independence of the CHR, the structural arrangements put in place for its operation are not well-equipped to facilitate accountability.
INSTITUTIONS ARE EQUALLY IMPORTANT
Having our human rights spelled out in our laws is important, but we must equally ensure that an adequate system is in place to make those rights real.
Our democratic institutions must not be prone to capture if the Philippines were to live up to its commitment to promote human rights. This can be avoided by re-examining the framework that makes it excessively hard for some of our institutions to fulfill their duty to protect human rights, and exploring alternatives for those arrangements that facilitate impunity. Perhaps we should focus more on how the processes we have put in place in our system affect the exercise of the rights we have on paper. It is not enough to know what our rights are, we must also make sure we keep them by being vigilant. This is the only way to continue the remarkable progress we have made since martial law.
 
Jenny Domino is an attorney and a non-resident Fellow for Human Rights at Stratbase ADR Institute.

Iconoclastic, destructive leadership

The appointment of Lucas Bersamin as chief justice of the Philippines is yet another blasphemy committed against one of our sacred institutions, the last bastion of justice in our country. Let us be kind. In his inaugural talk to his people, delivered during the flag-raising ceremony, Bersamin betrayed his small-mindedness. The presidential appointment came at about the same time as when our national leader bad-mouthed the Catholic Church and its leaders in no uncertain terms. Rodrigo Duterte seems to be on a rampage, weakening institutions that help ensure a sense of justice, civility, and of right and wrong among our increasingly confused people. Even Filipino women, regarded worldwide as competent, kind and fine human beings — from nurses and nannies, doctors to musicians, artists and designers — are not spared from his insults.
Justice Bersamin’s voting record — which includes voting in favor of the burial of Ferdinand Marcos in the cemetery reserved for our heroes, and legitimizing Eduardo Cojuangco’s ownership of coco levy shares in San Miguel Corp. (allegedly because “there was no evidence that he was a Marcos crony”) — betrays degraded values unbecoming of the head of the third branch of our government. There is enough judicial evidence that Marcos deprived the Filipino people of what belongs to them. As retired Justice Conchita Carpio Morales said in her dissenting opinion on Cojuangco’s right to the coco levy shares because he was not a Marcos crony: “it was the biggest joke of the century.”
Duterte’s many outlandish, nay, scandalous public statements are constantly dismissed by his many minions as “jokes.” What, you mean to say our national leader is only joking when he asserts his power by downgrading institutions long-held as sacred?
Of course, in this age of disruption, where the world turns on its head with revolutionary technologies such as electric and driverless cars, ride-hailing transport, robotics, landing research vehicles on the planet Mars, and online shopping and banking, disruption can be constructive; and we ordinary humans must try as best we can to adjust and catch up (we super-seniors can be excused).
But what, pray tell, is the purpose of our president’s iconoclasm? Does he think about these things? Or is our national leader just an undisciplined, impulsive and immature person who expresses his subconscious bitterness in public, with no thought as to its impact on the national consciousness and value systems? Does he realize his responsibility as our leader to inspire and edify our youth?
This president makes no bones about fighting a bloody “war on drugs,” no matter how many lives (mostly among the young and the poor) are taken every day. Does he really think, despite his campaign promise to erase the drug menace in six months, that he can, in fact, end this scourge? Perhaps this is an area where he can come up with some really creative and disruptive thinking on how to rid our people of this menace without resorting to so much bloodshed. It has been said that if you keep doing the same things over and over again, and still do not succeed — that means you are a moron.
This president seems to be tough on those he thinks he can intimidate with his macho powers: Leila de Lima remains in detention based on testimony provided by convicted felons. He constantly declares that his constitutional successor, Vice-President Leni Robredo is not capable of handling the presidency. Patricia Fox has been technically deported. Journalist Maria Ressa faces multiple charges of tax evasion, following various failed attempts to get rid of Rappler.
Why is he so obsequious when it comes to the People’s Republic of China? He unbelievably avowed in public that we can do nothing to protect our legally certified ownership of our marine territories, even before China openly admitted its brusque, invasive actions. He openly embraces disgraced public figures like the Marcoses and Gloria Arroyo, for what reason, it is interesting to conjecture. Early in his presidency, he avowed his debt of gratitude to the self-proclaimed “appointed Son of God” the wealthy Apollo Quiboloy who was publicly disgraced by US Immigration authorities in Hawaii for violating US laws.
How do we counter these unhealthy proclivities and serious threats to our hard-earned democratic freedoms and way of life? Is there any hope?
There are a few silver linings in the sky. Court of First Instance Judge Andres Soriano stuck his neck out to dismiss the charges against courageous Senator Antonio Trillanes IV. Jose Manuel “Chel” Diokno, De La Salle University College of Law founding dean, has decided to run for public office despite the tremendous odds against senatorial survey leaders Jinggoy Estrada and Juan Ponce Enrile who are still facing plunder charges; Lito Lapid, the Senate’s nonperforming member; and, who knows, the actor Bong Revilla, who has been incredibly acquitted of plunder despite all the evidence that should have convicted him. We have a confused electorate that does not know the difference between notoriety and mere fame.
As long as this administration stays in power, the odds get heavier against civility, justice, and decency. We need to mobilize what influence we can muster to strengthen resistance to the destructiveness threatening our value systems and our honor as a people. Every little bit of effort counts. We must protect what space is still left for democratic dissent.
 
Teresa S. Abesamis is a former professor at the Asian Institute of Management and an independent development management consultant.
tsabesamis0114@yahoo.com

Recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments in the Philippines

The Supreme Court recognized in the case of Saudi Arabian Airlines v. Court of Appeals (G.R. No. 122191, 8 October 1998, 297 SCRA 469) that “the presence of foreign elements (in transactions) is inevitable, since social and economic affairs of (persons and/or entities) are rarely confined to the geographic limits of their births or conception.” Thus, as an example, persons/corporations from various States may enter into contracts, which contracts may even involve properties located in an entirely different State. In case of breach, it could happen that a party will resort to its own local court to obtain relief, or may go to the courts of another State with a significance or connection to them or to their transaction.
In such situations, it is important to note that it is one matter to get a decision in your favor, and another to have it recognized and enforced by the State whose courts did not render the same but where the other party currently resides or conducts business.
Judgments obtained abroad may be recognized and enforced in the Philippines. It is required, however, that an action be instituted here specifically for such purpose. Our laws provide that a foreign judgment or order upon a specific thing shall be conclusive upon the title to the thing (e.g., judgments for sums of money or ownership over properties), and one against a person shall be presumptive evidence of a right between the parties (e.g., divorce decrees, etc.).
One of the requirements for the recognition and enforcement of a judgment obtained abroad is proof that the same was rendered by a court or tribunal which had jurisdiction over the parties and over the case. Otherwise, it may be questioned, and may not be recognized/enforced, on the grounds that there was no jurisdiction over, and/or no notice to, the other party. To effectively comply with this, the foreign judgment and law must at the outset be properly pleaded and proven like any other facts, as after all, our courts do not take judicial notice of them. This may either be by an official publication, or by a copy of the public document or law attested to by the officer having legal custody of the record. If the record is not kept in our country, the copy must be accompanied with a certificate that the attesting officer has the legal custody thereof. The certificate may be issued by any of the authorized Philippine embassy or consular officials stationed in the foreign country in which the record is kept, and authenticated by the seal of his office. Further, the attestation must state, in substance, that the copy is a correct copy of the original, or a specific part thereof, as the case may be, and must be under the official seal of the attesting officer.
There are exceptional instances when proof other than the foregoing may be considered as competent and therefore acceptable to our courts. In some cases, the testimony under oath of an expert witness was allowed, such as an attorney-at-law in the country where the foreign law operates, who quoted verbatim a section of the law, stated that the same was in force at the time material to the facts at hand. Thus, where the lawyer failed to testify on all aspects relevant to the foreign law invoked, or where no such lawyer actually appeared in open court and identified his/her affidavit, the same was deemed insufficient.
Other grounds to repel a foreign judgment are extraneous factors such as collusion, fraud, or clear mistake of law or fact.
Allowing recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments in the Philippines is important because it is based on comity with the international community. It also has another noble purpose — to give finality to litigation. Indeed, with our clogged court dockets, it would be more expedient that the merits of these cases be no longer tried here. Under present rules, our courts are not required to look into and decide on the correctness of the foreign judgment, as long as it does not violate public policy or prohibitive laws. On their part, litigants may be shielded from protracted legal battles and may reasonably expect that cases already subjected to full-blown trial and won in other jurisdictions may be enforced in our country.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author. This article is for general informational and educational purposes, and not offered as, and does not constitute, legal advice or legal opinion.
 
Jessa G. Wong-Cantano is an associate of the Angara Abello Concepcion Regala & Cruz Law Offices (ACCRALAW), Cebu Branch.
(6332) 231-4223
jgwong@accralaw.com.

Safeguards against corporate opportunism remains squarely with the independent directors

As shown hereunder, it seems clear that ultimately the Corporate Governance (CG) Code for Publicly-Listed Companies (PLCs) places the ability to prevent corporate opportunism squarely on the shoulders of the independent directors (IDs), whether such attempts at corporate opportunism be on the part of the controlling stockholders acting through a majority of the members of the Board, or through Management.
1. Lead Director Must Be an ID. — CG Code for PLCs recommends that “The Board should designate a lead director among the IDs if the Chair of the Board is not independent, including if the positions of the Chair of the Board and CEO are held by one person.”
The CG Code recommends that in cases where the Chair is not independent, or where the roles of Chair and CEO are combined — which engender the abuse of power and authority, and potential conflict of interest — there should be appointed a strong “lead director” among the IDs, who should have sufficient authority to lead the Board in cases where management has clear conflicts of interest, and sets out the functions of this lead director to include, among others, the following: (a) Serve as an intermediary between the Chair and the other directors when necessary; (b) Convene and chair meetings of the non-executive directors; and (c) Contribute to the performance evaluation of the Chair, as required.
2. Key Board Committees Must Be Chaired and Majority Composed of IDs. — The CG Code recommends that “The Board should establish board committees that focus on specific board functions to aid in the optimal performance of its roles and responsibilities.” It explains that “Board committees such as the Audit Committee, CG Committee, Board Risk Oversight Committee and Related Party Transaction Committee are necessary to support the Board in the effective performance of its functions. The establishment of the same, or any other committees that the company deems necessary, allows for specialization in issues and leads to a better management of the Board’s workload.”
The CG Code then recommends that in the key committees, namely, the Audit Committee, CG Committee, Nomination and Remuneration Committee, Board Risks Oversight Committee, and the Related Party Transaction Committee, there should be at least three non-executive/IDs, and that the Committee Chair should be an ID.
It is through the IDs’ chairmanship and majority membership in key Board Committees that the problems of asymmetry of information and high transaction cost are overcome on behalf of the public investors whose interest in PHCs is primarily represented by IDs against corporate opportunism on the part of the controlling stockholders.
3. Material Company Transactions Overseen by IDs. — The CG Code recommends that “The company should make a full, fair, accurate and timely disclosure to the public of every material fact or event that occurs, particularly on the acquisition or disposal of significant assets, which could adversely affect the viability or the interest of its shareholders and other stakeholders. Moreover, the Board of the offeree company should appoint an independent party to evaluate the fairness of the transaction price on the acquisition or disposal of assets.”
It explains that “The disclosure on the acquisition or disposal of significant assets includes, among others, the rationale, effect on operations and approval at board meetings with independent directors present to establish transparency and independence on the transaction. The independent evaluation of the fairness of the transparent price ensures the protection of the rights of shareholders.”
4. Whistleblowing System Should Allow Direct Access to the IDs. — The CG Code supports the proposition that “The Board should establish a suitable framework for whistleblowing that allows employees to freely communicate their concerns about illegal or unethical practices, without fear of retaliation and to have direct access to an independent member of the Board or a unit created to handle whistleblowing concerns. The Board should be conscientious in establishing the framework, as well as in supervising and ensuring its enforcement.”
It explains that “A suitable whistleblowing framework sets up the procedures and safe-harbors for complaints of employees, either personally or through their representative bodies, concerning illegal and unethical behavior. One essential aspect of the framework is the inclusion of safeguards to secure the confidentiality of the informer and to ensure protection from retaliation. Further, part of the framework is granting individuals or representative bodies confidential direct access to either an independent director or a unit designed to deal with whistleblowing concerns. Companies may opt to establish an ombudsman to deal with complaints and/or established confidential phone and e-mail facilities to receive allegations.”
SAFEGUARDS AGAINST THE COOPTING OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF IDS
In addition to strict rules on qualifications and disqualifications pertaining to IDs to ensure utter lack of professional, contractual or filial connections with the company, its management and the controlling stockholders, the CG Code for PLCs has adopted certain safeguards that would preserve the ability of IDs to exercise independent judgment in corporate affairs. We shall evaluate the effectiveness of such safeguards in preserving the ability of IDs to exercise independent judgment.
a. IDs Must Have Business Acumen Necessary for the Industry in Which the PLC Operates
Against the criticism that IDs do not possess the personal or professional gravitas to be able act independently against the captains of the industries, the CG Code recommends that “The Board should ensure that its IDs possess the necessary qualifications and none of the disqualifications for an ID to hold the position.” It explains that “IDs need to possess a good general understanding of the industry they are in. Further, it is worthy to note that independence and competence should go hand-in-hand. It is therefore important that the non-executive directors, including IDs, possess the qualifications and stature that would enable them to effectively and objectively participate in the deliberations of the Board.”
The fact that the CG Code places the burden of “ensuring that … IDs possess the necessary qualifications and none of the disqualifications for an ID to hold the position” on the Board, which is majority-composed of representatives of controlling stockholders, tends to ensure that IDs would eventually fall under the spell of the controlling stockholders. As will be discussed hereunder, the true measure of ensuring that IDs would be accountable to the public investors against the corporate opportunism of the controlling stockholders, it is necessary that the public investors must have a certain measure of participation in the election and retention of IDs.
b. Nomination, Election and Retention in the Board of IDs
The CG Code for PLCs recommends that “The Board should have and disclose in its Manual on CG a formal and transparent board nomination and election policy that should include how it accepts nominations from minority shareholders and reviews nominated candidates. The policy should also include an assessment of the effectiveness of the Board’s processes and procedures in the nomination, election, or replacement of a director. In addition, its process of identifying the quality of directors should be aligned with the strategic direction of the company.”
It explains that “It is the Board’s responsibility to develop a policy on board nomination, which is contained in the company’s Manual on CG. The policy should encourage shareholders’ participation by including procedures on how the Board accepts nominations from minority shareholders. The policy should also promote transparency of the Board’s nomination and election process.”
In essence, therefore, the policies and processes for the nomination, election and retention of all members of the Board, including those of IDs, are put under the charge of the Board which is majority-composed by representatives of the controlling stockholders.
The mandatory provisions relating to the nomination and election of IDs can be found in SRC IRR, which provides “The conduct of election of IDs shall be made in accordance with the standard election procedures of the company or its by-laws.”
It should therefore be pointed out that eventually those who become IDs on a PHC must achieve the majority vote from among other candidates through the support of the controlling/majority stockholders. The same is true with ID’s ability to be retained in the Board. In a recent study, it has been demonstrated that when the election and retention of IDs in the Board is dependent upon the controlling stockholders’ support, then they eventually become preempted in their corporate actuations, thus:
Independence requirements strengthen these market incentives by ensuring that directors have no conflicts that could undermine their effectiveness as monitors of management. For example, a director whose livelihood depends on her business ties with the company might fear that refusing to accept the CEO pay demands would provoke retaliation. Many investors and lawmakers, however, believe that such independence alone may not ensure directors’ accountability because management’s influence over the appointment of directors can also undermine the effectiveness of those directors as monitors. Even an ID might fear that adopting a skeptical approach toward the CEO, for example, would reduce her chances of reappointment. Moreover, to the extent that the CEO is involved in appointment decisions, directors may develop a sense of gratitude and obligation to accommodate the CEO’s preferences. These concerns underlie the post-Enron requirement that IDs control the board nomination process, thereby taking from managers the formal power to influence the process — and thus the outcome — of director elections.
The study concludes that “These developments offer two important lessons for controlled companies. First, controllers’ absolute control over the election of IDs undermines those directors’ effectiveness as monitors. Second, enabling public investors to influence the election of IDs would provide these directors with incentives to guard public investors’ interests,” thus:
At controlled companies, IDs are expected to exercise oversight to prevent the controller from expropriating value from public investors. Yet, the same election method that holds directors accountable to public investors at widely held companies currently also holds them accountable to the controller at controlled companies. Controlling shareholders have decisive power over director appointment. Directors at firms with controlling shareholders — including IDs — cannot be elected or reelected following their initial term — unless the controlling shareholder supports their candidacies. Nor will they stay in office once the controlling shareholder decides to end their service on the board.
The study proposes that the better rule of inducing IDs to be accountable to public investors, is by empowering public investors to determine or at least substantially influence the election and/or retention of IDs, such as granting public investors with veto rights over such nomination and/or election of IDs, or allowing the election of IDs to be supported by a majority of the public investors’ voting power.
c. Limiting the Terms of IDs
Against the criticism that eventually IDs lose their independence based on prolonged dealings with the majority members of the Board and Management, i.e., with the controlling stockholders, the CG Code for PLCs recommends that “The Board’s IDs should serve for a maximum cumulative term of nine [9] years. After which, the ID should be perpetually barred from re-election as such in the same company, but may continue to qualify for nomination and election as a non-ID. In the instance that a company wants to retain an ID who has served for nine years, the Board should provide meritorious justification/s and seek shareholders’ approval during the annual shareholders’ meeting.”
It explains that “Service in a board for a long duration may impair a director’s ability to act independently and objectively. Hence, the tenure of an ID is set to a cumulative term of nine years. IDs who have served for nine years may continue as a non-ID of the company. Reckoning of the cumulative nine-year term is from 2012.”
The CG Code further provides that “Any term beyond nine years for an ID is subjected to particularly rigorous review, taking into account the need for progressive change in the Board to ensure an appropriate balance of skills and experience. However, the shareholders may, in exceptional cases, choose to re-elect an ID who has served for nine years. In such instances, the Board must provide a meritorious justification for the re-election.”
The CG Code presumes that nine (9) years is the optimum period that assures that IDs can resist the temptation to begin to in consonance with the controlling stockholders. Nine years is really a long period of time in the life of a PLC against an ID who has lost his independence in just a couple of years that he has acted with in consonance with the ruling of the majority stockholders’ representative in the Board. Yet we can appreciate the need to have long-serving IDs who develop a more intimate workings of the PHC as against a situation of having completely “green horn” IDs every couple of years or so who have yet a long learning curve ahead of them, only to be replaced by a new set when they have developed the skills and competence to exercise their independent judgment.
On the other hand, the perpetual disqualification of IDs after the cumulative nine-year period really does not provide a strong incentive to act independent of Management and controlling stockholders because of the very terms provided for in the CG Code: there are two possible ways by which an ID may remain with the Board, both of which are dependent upon the support of the entire Board (controlled by the majority stockholders) being able to prove that he should remain an ID because of meritorious justification, or by remaining in the Board as a regular director. In either case, there is every incentive on the part of the ID, during his 9-year stint, to be cozy with the controlling stockholders who hold in their power the ability to retain him in the Board.
EVOLVING A MORE RESPONSIVE SYSTEM OF IDS
We conclude this study with the following recommendations.
It is probably time to introduce statutory amendment in the Securities Regulations Code, which is peculiarly applicable to PHCs, to clearly define the role, duties and functions of the IDs to be one primarily set to champion the cause of stakeholders, other than stockholders, to present in all Board proceedings the values promoted under the Stakeholder Theory.
We should study introducing provisions in the SRC that legally empower public investors the right to have a certain legal standing in the nomination, election and retention of IDs in order to ensure direct accountability to such stockholders.
It may well be worth it that the agencies at the forefront of corporate governance development, namely the BSP, the SEC, and the IC, should now begin to put together a full accreditation system for IDs in partnership with leading private sector organizations that allow the proper training and orientation of professional directors that would be made available to covered corporations, each bringing with them a special set of skills for the various fields covered.
Perhaps it should be, in order to preserve the independence of such accredited IDs, that each of the three agencies develop a system of setting up funds within their industries by special levy on their covered corporations, to constitute as the source of remuneration for IDs who shall then be paid by and hence be accountable to, the supervising government agency. Under such a system, IDs would truly become quasi-public officers.
The article reflects the personal opinion of the author and does not reflect the official stand of the Management Association of the Philippines or the MAP.
 
Cesar L. Villanueva is the vice chair of the CG Committee of the MAP, the founding partner of the Villanueva Gabionza & Dy Law Offices, and the former Chair of the Governance Commission for GOCCs (GCG).
cvillanueva@vgslaw.com
map@map.org.ph
http://map.org.ph

UX crossover new Lexus entry point

Text and photos by Kap Maceda Aguila

APPARENTLY, Japan-headquartered luxury car maker Lexus doesn’t shirk from making bold predictions about the newest vehicle in its portfolio. There’s clear confidence in the UX, which the company debuted at this year’s Geneva International Motor Show.
During the entry-level subcompact premium crossover’s so-called Global Dynamic Press Launch held in Sweden in September, Lexus Asia Pacific vice-president David Nordstrom said that the UX is expected to make up “23% of Lexus sales” in the region. Along with the all-new Lexus ES, sales are projected to grow by a hefty 60%. “We’re confident that the UX will provide a highly attractive alternative to existing products in the market,” the executive had underscored.
The UX is a direct and clear product of the brand’s transformative journey over the last few years. “You have seen our design language change to become bolder and more distinctive, and hopefully you have experienced a significant change in our driving dynamics that pairs our world-renowned comfort with Lexus’ unique sense of dynamic handling,” explained Mr. Nordstrom. “The all-new UX showcases the Lexus design language and highlights our ability to craft luxury interiors.”
Lexus Philippines understandably wasted no time bringing the UX into the local market. Now here in two grades — the UX 200 and UX 200 F Sport priced at P2.478 million and P3.048 million, respectively — the vehicle is ready to commence with the real-world testing of the company’s avowed confidence. The market should be composed of “loyal Lexus owners looking for a crossover alternative to their sedan,” those who want to “downsize their SUV, upgrade from a mass-market brand, or [simply] change their luxury brand.”
Expressed more distinctly, the marque is looking at an “even mix of male and female customers in their 30s, with an average household income of $110,000.” These “urban explorers” (which the appellation stands for) are “styling, tech savvy, and seeking experiences [as] they make the most of their time and opportunities.”
COUPE PERFORMANCE, CROSSOVER LOOKS
During the press launch in Stockholm, BusinessWorld was able to speak with the design team head responsible for the UX. Chika Kako is an affable, brilliant executive — the first woman at Lexus to be accorded such an honor, and is its first female managing officer. Ms. Kako had posited that the UX is a “car developed for the customer who’s entering the luxury market for the first time — and for people joining the Lexus brand for the first time.” She had asserted, “That was my first mission. This may be the youngest of all the siblings, but for us, we don’t look at it as just small, medium and large sizes… We understand completely that there is a large base of customers who enjoys sedans. But here was a chance to create something new and exciting that we’ve never seen before. So think about something having the driving performance of a sporty coupe, but with crossover looks… That was something I really wanted to achieve. That’s why I went for this body type.”
Along with its entry-level pricing, the UX is should attract buyers with a showcase of new toys and tech — while staying true to the look that Lexus has proudly claimed for itself. The iconic spindle grille gives the vehicle an aggressive fascia and augments its muscular, taut presence that is consistently applied in and out.
In a statement, Lexus said that the “UX brings to the table the widest field of vision and best turning radius of any luxury compact SUV.” The design team also took inspiration from the traditional Japanese concept of Engawa that “blurs the boundary between a home’s exterior and interior” to create “a feeling of seamless continuity inside.” For instance, the upper instrument panel extends out beyond the windshield and provides the driver a sweeping view of the car and its surroundings.
The F Sport variant will reward drivers with more keenly tuned suspension through springs and stabilizer bars, along with a rear performance damper — resulting in a more refined ride. It boasts 18-inch, five twin-spoke aluminum alloys promising increased rigidity and, ultimately, heightened responsiveness and handling.
Aside from a sundry of distinctions largely out of view, the UX F Sport gets visible differentiators such as an alternative grille design with a mesh pattern comprised of individual L-shaped pieces, large fog lamp bezels with L-shaped chrome moldings, a revised rear bumper, and jet-black trim on the front and rear moldings. Inside, it receives front sport seats, a leather-covered F Sport steering wheel, leather-trimmed shift knob, and aluminum pedals and footrest. Even the TFT LCD display is larger, at eight inches.
Supplying power to the front wheels of the two UX variants is a 2.0-liter four-cylinder engine delivering 168hp and 205Nm — mated to a new Direct-Shift CVT “[combining] the smooth, fuel-efficient performance of a continuously variable transmission with a more direct driving feel.” The Direct-Shift CVT provides grunt without the deadened feel of some conventional CVT systems. Everything is within reach of the driver, and one will not be overwhelmed with an assortment of controls. Rather, the UX rewards your enthusiasm and sense of discovery with intuitive controls — such as the new scroll wheels just at the tip of the central driver armrest. Thirteen exterior colors are available on the UX, including three new unique colors dubbed Blazing Carnelian, Tarrane Khaki and Celestial Blue.
Industry observers predict a trend to hold — that of one in three vehicles sold globally will be a crossover. If this comes to fruition (and there are no signs to indicate otherwise), then the UX should be successful here and abroad.

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