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How resilient is the Philippines’ business environment compared to those of other economies?

How resilient is the Philippines’ business environment compared to those of other economies?

NEDA sees upper-middle income threshold by Q4 2020

THE GOVERNMENT is positive that the Philippines will achieve upper-middle-income status by the fourth quarter of next year, according to the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA).

“Yes, next year positive,” NEDA Secretary Ernesto M. Pernia said in a text message to BusinessWorld when asked if NEDA believes the Philippines will achieve the milestone next year.

Asked what quarter of 2020, Mr. Pernia replied, “last quarter.”

The World Bank norm for an upper-middle-income economy is a per capita income ranging between $3,896 and $12,055.

The NEDA earlier projected the milestone to be reached this year but moved it back after gross domestic product (GDP) growth slowed to 5.6% in the first quarter due to the delay in passage of the 2019 General Appropriations Act (GAA).

The government intends to spend P2.996 trillion from the second to the fourth quarters of this year, to catch up with its targeted growth rate of 6-7%.

The Department of Finance (DoF), meanwhile, said it also has a positive outlook for the economy due to its confidence in upcoming reforms.

In a separate text message, Finance Assistant Secretary Antonio Joselito G. Lambino II said, “We are certainly one with NEDA and Sec. Pernia in working toward graduating to upper-middle-income status at the soonest possible time, while at the same time helping one million Filipinos lift themselves from poverty every year.”

“The following will help achieve this: continue investing in infrastructure; pass the remaining packages of the comprehensive tax reform program; improve the investment climate by passing priority legislation; fully implement socioeconomic reforms such as the national ID, ease of doing business, rice liberalization, universal health care; and improve agricultural productivity,” Mr. Lambino added.

Last month, the World Bank approved a $300 million loan for additional funding of the Philippines’ conditional cash transfer program for two years.

The Philippines has an annual budget of $1.7 billion for the CCT known as Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps), which benefits 4.2 million families including 8.7 million children.

The additional funding from the World Bank is meant to cover 9% of the 4Ps budget until June 2022.

In an e-mail to BusinessWorld, Mara K. Warwick, World Bank Country Director for Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand, said, “Investing on solid and impactful social safety nets is a norm for upper middle-income economies to make sure that no one is left behind while at the same time continuing to invest in the human capital of future generations. Social protection programs help to move people out of poverty, improve human capital, which contributes to economic growth. This helps the country achieve higher income status.”

The 4Ps are active in 145 cities and 1,483 municipalities, and has been credited with a quarter of the poverty reduction in the Philippines, according to the World Bank 2018 Poverty Assessment.

Asked how the additional funding from the World Bank can help the country achieve upper-middle-income status, NEDA Undersecretary Adoracion M. Navarro said in an e-mail, “This World Bank loan is part of the government’s external financing program for 2020-2022. It is more directly relevant to our goal of reaching for the demographic dividend and raising the country’s human development index, than increasing income. The program loan will help the government in expanding poor children’s access to health and education services through the 4Ps.”

“It will also help in systems improvements in the implementation of the 4Ps. Overall, it is expected to translate to higher human development condition in the country’s poor areas; it will help regions which are lagging in terms of human development indicators to catch up. There is no indicative regional breakdown of the program implementation yet, but I understand that in the past 4Ps implementation, BARRM (Bangsamoro Autonomous Administrative Region) had the highest number of beneficiaries among regions,” Ms. Navarro added.

In May, Ms. Navarro said in a briefing that the regional disparities or inequality in per capita income has widened over time, noting the need for the government to improve transportation and connectivity especially in rural areas to reduce gaps.

“As widening disparities may be more a result of high rate of population growth in some regions than poor economic performance per se, stakeholders especially local government units must also support the government’s planning and reproductive health program,” Ms. Navarro said.

“We have to integrate small farmers and fisherfolk into larger business enterprises. This is apart from other strategies like farm diversification which will help farmers venture into commodities with higher value and market potential,” she said. — Reicelene Joy N. Ignacio

Mindanao Railway project specs altered to hurry implementation

THE Department of Transportation (DoTr) said costs were adjusted upward for the Mindanao Railway Project Phase 1 due to the need to traverse rolling terrain, while the rail line was downgraded to single track and non-electric to speed up implementation.

Transportation Undersecretary for Railways Timothy John R. Batan told reporters Tuesday that the approved project cost more than doubled to P82.9 billion from P35.9 billion previously because earlier studies had assumed that the rail line would cross flat terrain.

“Feasibility study from 2015 to 2017 assumed (the route to be) flat. But if you look at the alignment of Tagum-Davao-Digos, it’s not flat, it’s rolling… we need some infrastructure adjustments, some civil works adjustments such as elevated viaducts and deep cuts, which is the primary driver of our increase in cost,” he said.

A National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) subcommittee approved the increased cost estimate last week.

Ang configuration natin ngayon [Our configuration now]… is single track, non-electrified. The reason why the interagency ICC (Investment Coordination Committee) decided [to do that] is to optimize the investment,” he added.

The NEDA ICC Cabinet Committee said Monday it approved the increased budget for the China-funded Tagum-Davao-Digos segment of the Mindanao Railway Project to cover changes in its structural and construction works and the inclusion of a Davao Satellite Depot.

Transportation Secretary Arthur P. Tugade said the downgrade in the railway’s configuration was meant to get the project rolling.

[G]usto ko double track hindi single track. Gusto ko electrified, hindi diesel. Ngayon sabi nila, para maumpisahan na ‘yan, ‘yung engineering design, baguhin natin. Gawin nating single track, diesel,.. (pero) sa umpisa lang ‘yan [I wanted it to be double track and electrified. But they said to start the project, the engineering design must be changed to single track, diesel. But that’s just for now],” he said.

Tandaan mo, by phases ‘yan. Pwede naman ‘yan baguhin in the future. Para maumpisahan na lang [Remember, that project would come in phases. That could still be changed in the future. This is only to get the project started],” he added.

With the approval from NEDA, the DoTr now hopes to sign the loan agreement for the Tagum-Davao-Digos segment with the government of China within the first half of next year. Construction is also eyed to begin in parallel with the loan signing.

“First, second quarter, matagal na ‘yun [at the latest]… We’re planning to get a commitment from the Chinese government, para ‘pag na-award natin ‘yung kontrata within this year, in parallel with the negotiations for the Chinese loan agreement, nagtatrabaho na sila [that when we award the contract this year, they’ll start working in parallel with the negotiations for the loan agreement],” Mr. Batan said.

“With the decision of the ICC last week, we are already sending this week our request for the shortlist,” he added, referring to the shortlist of contractors that China will provide to the Philippines as the recipient of the ODA. The DoTr will choose from the shortlist, through a limited competitive bid, the Chinese contractor to undertake the project.

“The commitment of China to finance the project has not changed from the time that they made that commitment in 2018.”

Mr. Batan said based on the general terms, China is expected to finance up to 80-85% of the Tagum-Davao-Digos railway’s total project cost. — Denise A. Valdez

PHL, US sign education, tech agreements

THE PHILIPPINES and the United States signed two agreements strengthening cooperation in higher education and science and technology during the Eighth Bilateral Strategic Dialogue held in Manila from July 15-16.

At the dialogue, the United States said it supported Philippine efforts to build up its infrastructure and expressed its willingness to deepen defense cooperation.

US Ambassador to the Philippines Sung Y. Kim said the two-day dialogue concluded with the signing of a Joint Statement on Higher Education Cooperation and Science and Technology Agreement.

“This will give us a way forward of expanding our educational ties. We also signed a science and technology agreement,” Mr. Kim said at a briefing Tuesday.

The two sides also agreed to an Alliance Fellowship, under which the US Embassy will be sending two Filipino scholars to the US every year to study national security and international relations.

“We intend to mold the alliance into one that gets ahead of the issues presented by the global environment. This way we ensure the alliance is proactive rather than reactive to sheer concerns,” Philippine Ambassador to the US Jose Manuel G. Romualdez said in the briefing.

“Some of this concern include tampering violent extremism including mitigating issues resulting from the return of foreign terrorist fighters, countering transnational crimes, defense modernization, humanitarian assistance and disaster response, US participation of the ‘Build, Build, Build’ program in the development of the New Clark City.” — Charmaine A. Tadalan

Foreign-worker crackdown backed by chambers

FOREIGN business chambers said they support the government’s proposed controls on the entry of foreign workers, saying that Chinese investors in the online gaming industry have provided limited employment opportunities to Filipino workers.

In a text message to BusinessWorld, American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham) Advisor John Forbes said that the recent Joint Memorandum Circular (JMC) No. 001 series of 2019, issued by various government agencies, will help ensure more jobs for locals, especially in the Philippine Offshore Gaming Operator (POGO) industry.

“These controls on foreign workers are needed in light of the influx of young Chinese working in online gambling. We thought PRC (People’s Republic of China) investors were coming to employ Filipinos but so far many of them have only given jobs to Chinese and not to Filipinos,” Mr. Forbes said.

On July 11, the Department of Labor and Employment (DoLE) signed the JMC together with the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), Department of Finance (DoF), Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA), Department of Justice (DoJ), Bureau of Immigration (BI), Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR), National Intelligence Coordinating Agency (NICA) and Professional Regulation Commission (PRC). The JMC outlines and harmonizes procedures governing on the issuance of work permits to foreign nationals.

Also during the same period, DoLE’s Bureau of Local Employment (BLE) reported that it has identified more than 7,000 Chinese nationals working in POGOs who will be deported for not securing work permits, particularly the Alien Employment Permit (AEP) which is only issued by the DoLE.

European Chamber of Commerce of the Philippines (ECCP) President Nabil Francis said that the JMC will lead to the better enforcement of rules governing the issuance of work permits and strengthen the monitoring of foreign workers entering the country.

“This is a step in the right direction towards the effective implementation of existing legislation and exploring further avenues for improvement. We are glad to see the government agencies involved closely cooperating on this,” Mr. Francis said in an e-mail to BusinessWorld.

The JMC requires all foreigners seeking work to have a Tax Identification Number (TIN) before they obtain a permit to work in the Philippines. NICA is also tasked with issuing a “no deregatory information” finding before foreign nationals apply for a work visa. — Gilian M. Cortez

DTI to file bill funding MSME lending at P4 billion a year

THE TRADE DEPARTMENT said it hopes to make a lending scheme known as Pondo sa Pagbabago at Pag-asenso (P3) more permanent via legislation, Trade Secretary Ramon M. Lopez said during the 2019 National MSME Summit on Tuesday.

“We’re proposing a P3 bill so that we can institutionalize the P3 allocation. We could still go through the budget but at least there’s more certainty (of a) budget allocation every year,” Mr. Lopez said.

The P3 lends to micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) in the wake of President Rodrigo R. Duterte’s directive to eliminate the “5-6” system of usurious informal lending. P3 started in 2017 and has about 83,000 registered borrowers.

Mr. Lopez said that the plan is to have an allocation of P4 billion per year over four years.

The DTI said the market for 5-6 loans is estimated at about P30 billion nationwide.

“We want to kill 5-6 and put it aside. Kailangan may kapalit (there needs to be a replacement). So ang kapalit mo dapat medyo close to that amount. (The replacement needs to be close to that amount),” he told reporters.

An additional P1.5 billion to fund P3 will also be put in place with the new budget, he said in his speech during the summit. — Katrina T. Mina

Unions seek more pro-labor reforms, ‘living wage’

LABOR groups have asked President Rodrigo R. Duterte to introduce reforms that improve working conditions and impose a “living wage” ahead of his State of the Nation Address (SONA).

The Bukluran ng Manggagawang Pilipino (BMP), Federation of Free Workers (FFW), Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU), and SENTRO ng mga Nagkakaisa at Progresibong Manggagawa (SENTRO), issued a joint statement seeking improved work conditions and pay ahead of the President’s fourth SONA on July 22.

“We, various labor centers, federations, workers’ associations and advocates, come together to demonstrate our strong resolve to advance the Filipino workers’ demands for a national minimum wage, regular work and respect for human and trade union rights,” the labor groups said in the statement on Tuesday.

The workers’ groups noted that Mr. Duterte has yet to fulfill his promise to end forms of contractualization that deny workers a path to permanent employment, known as “endo,” a promise made during the 2018 SONA and a campaign promise in 2016.

“We have long called for an end to contractualization of labor, yet the practice of labor-only contracting, job-only contracting and other forms of flexible labor remain prevalent. Contractualization will still persist even with the watered down Security of Tenure Bill (SB 1826) is enacted. We believe that unless the scourge of contractualization is eradicated, workers’ right to organize, collectively bargain and to strike will be undermined, and economic growth will never be inclusive,” they said.

They added: “We push for higher wages and further a national minimum wage towards a family living wage amid the rising cost of living. The call for an immediate wage hike is just and is needed to address the economic hardships of workers in different parts of the country.”

They also called for the abolition of the current wage-setting system, which is determined by regional wage boards. — Gillian M. Cortez

DA blames drop in NFA rice inventory on refusal to import

THE DEPARTMENT of Agriculture (DA) rejected blame for the rice crisis of 2018, saying that the National Food Authority’s (NFA) inventory dropped because of its governing council’s refusal to import foreign grain.

In a social media post, Agriculture Secretary Emmanuel F. Piñol said the NFA’s stores of imported rice first started showing signs of depletion in October 2017, at a time when the DA was not in control of the agency. The NFA had asked the NFA Council for permission to import, but was refused.

The drawdown in inventory continued. By February 2018, Mr. Piñol said, the agency started making less imported rice available to the market.

The NFA rice, sold at retail for a subsidized price of about P27, is typically patronized by low-income families, and shortages of the low-cost staple strengthened the pricing power of commercial traders, causing inflation to spike in 2018.

The inflation basket of goods in poor countries is usually heavily weighted towards food, making Philippine inflation especially sensitive to swings in rice prices.

“As early as October of 2017, then NFA Administrator Jason (Laureano Y.) Aquino asked the NFA Council to allow the agency to import rice because it was running low. This was, however, opposed by a majority of the members of the Council,” Mr. Piñol said.

He said despite the record domestic harvest in 2017 of 19.28 million metric tons (MMT), domestic output fell short of meeting demand by about 7%, and there was a need to import rice during lean months from July to September.

He said in April 2018, President Rodrigo R. Duterte ordered the NFA Council to allow imports, but too late to contain rampant speculation by traders who had anticipated the shortfall.

Nag-speculate (traders speculated) and manipulated the prices,” he told BusinessWorld in a text message.

“In July, reports of increasing rice prices came out and by August, Zamboanga City declared a ‘State of Calamity’ as rice prices soared to as high as P70 to P80 per kilo. When I heard of these reports, I called up Executive Secretary Salvador (C.) Medialdea and volunteered to help defuse the Zamboanga City rice crisis. I told him that while the NFA rice supply issue does not involve the DA, as Secretary of Agriculture, I had to do something about it,” he said.

The NFA was then transferred along with other agencies to the DA, making the Agriculture Secretary the Chairman of the NFA Council. The suggested retail price (SRP) strategy was then implemented and rice imports were approved.

“Prices of rice stabilized and the issue of the ‘rice crisis’ died down,” he said. He added that since the transfer of NFA, its buffer stock has grown sufficient to meet the country’s needs until the end of August.

The NFA, which switched exclusively to domestic procurement since the enactment of the Rice Tariffication Law in March, said it purchased 5.412 million bags of palay, the unmilled form in which farmers sell their crop to dealers, in the first half.

The price of rice has been generally in a downward trend in the past few months as traders press farmers for lower prices amid the threat of competition from more freely-imported foreign grain.

The Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) said during the fourth week of June, the average wholesale price of well-milled rice fell 0.1% week-on-week to P39.30. At retail, it fell 0.2% to P42.92 per kg.

The wholesale price of regular-milled rice fell 0.2% week-on-week to P35.39 during the period. At retail, the price decreased 0.3% to P38.56. — Vincent Mariel P. Galang

Duterte signs innovation, poverty-monitoring legislation

PRESIDENT Rodrigo R. Duterte signed into law two measures — the Philippine Innovation Act and the Community-Based Monitoring System Act.

The President signed Republic Act (RA) No. 11293, which goes into the books as the Philippine Innovation Act, and RA No. 11315 or the Community-Based Monitoring System Act, on April 17. Malacañang released to reporters copies of the laws on Tuesday.

The Philippine Innovation Act authorizes the government to adopt innovation policies pursuant to Section 10, Article XIV of the Constitution that recognizes science and technology as “essential for national development and progress” and that prioritizes “research and development, invention, innovation, and their utilization.”

The policies to be adopted include placing innovation at the center of the State’s development policies; promoting a culture of strategic planning and innovation; investing in education, science, technology and innovation; and engaging the business sector, academe, scientific community and research institutions in innovation efforts for economic growth, among others.

The law creates the National Innovation Council (NIC), which will be responsible for developing the country’s innovation goals, priorities, and long-term national strategy.

The NIC is composed of the President as Chairperson, Director General of the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) as Vice Chairperson, and other Department Secretaries as Members.

Their tasks include to develop a National Innovation Agenda and Strategy Document, which will establish the country’s vision and long-term goals for innovation and provide a road map and strategies for improving innovation in government.

NEDA, in coordination with the Department of Science and Technology and the Department of Trade and Industry, will formulate and promulgate the implementing rules and regulations of the new law.

RA No. 11315 authorizes the government to adopt a community-based monitoring system (CBMS), “which generates updated and disaggregated data necessary in targeting beneficiaries, conducting more comprehensive poverty analysis and needs prioritization, designing appropriate policies and interventions, and monitoring impact over time.”

The CBMS, which is an organized technology-based system of collecting, processing and validating disaggregated data, is to be established and instituted in every city and municipality as an “economic and social tool towards the formulation and implementation of poverty alleviation and development programs” of government.

The National Statistician of the Philippine Statistics Authority, in consultation with the departments of Interior and Local Government, Agriculture, Health, Social Welfare and Development, Education, Housing and Urban Development, Labor and Employment, Environment and Natural Resources, and Information and Communications Technology, among others, will promulgate the rules and regulations of this law. — Arjay L. Balinbin

Cognitive Dissonance, False Dichotomies, and the West Philippine Sea

Over the past few days, a lot has been said regarding the 3rd anniversary of the Hague ruling favoring the Philippines in its stance against China on the West Philippine Sea dispute. Three years ago, it was a highly celebrated victory headed by former Philippine Foreign Affairs Secretary Albert Del Rosario and then Supreme Court Associate Justice Antonio Carpio. The ruling was considered by many as a marquee case that reinforced the salience of international law as a diplomatic equalizer between state actors; primarily pitting a small island state against an international power and eventually winning versus a seemingly “formidable” adversary. Nonetheless, it was the poster child for the efficacy of non-lethal avenues in settling conflicts between nation-states.

The decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) was the rallying point that should have been used as primary leverage in solidifying and galvanizing our position in the region, while having the opportunity to unite in a common front with other neighboring states that are also affected by China’s expansionist push to impose its “nine-dash line.” Three years later, however, the reality couldn’t be farther than the ideal scenario.

Articles, radio commentaries, and vignettes of a bygone victory reminded the public of what could have and should have been, and endless “what ifs.” Three years into the Duterte administration, the momentum that was created following the ruling was essentially squandered, replaced by an appeasement strategy with the promise of infrastructure development, an influx of investments, and a seemingly bottomless line of credit as part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative.

ON PUBLIC OPINION
Last Friday, July 12, Social Weather Station (SWS) president Mahar Mangahas presented survey results on the public’s opinion on the West Philippine Sea (WPS) issue. The survey was conducted from June 22-26, with a 1,200-sample size, and an error margin of plus-minus 3%.

The findings reveal a strong popular sentiment against China in the WPS issue among Filipinos. A resounding 93% indicated the importance of regaining control of the islands in the WPS, and 89% felt that it is wrong to be apathetic and do nothing about the Chinese infrastructure on the islands. In addition, 92% want the country to bolster its military capability, in particular the navy. Clearly, Filipinos agree on the importance of the WPS issue and want to see a more resolute stance to oppose the Chinese narrative, with a military deterrence option within the realm of possible actions.

Other avenues that the public are open to are multilateral ties. Eighty-four percent (84%) agree with enhancing political clout by forming alliances with other countries. This action can be done by aligning with other claimant states, namely, Indonesia, Vietnam, Brunei, and Malaysia; by bolstering the Mutual Defense Treaty with the United States; or holding freedom of navigation operations (FONOPS) via joint patrols in the WPS.

Eighty-three percent (83%) also agree with bringing the case to international organizations, namely, the UN and the ASEAN, as a platform for negotiations. The reactions may be offshoots of numerous reports beginning in 2016 of violent acts committed by the Chinese Coast Guard against Filipino fisherfolk, including the recent Reed Bank incident. Public backlash is also apparent against illegal fishing activities by Chinese fishermen, with 87% wanting the Philippine government to arrest and prosecute erring Chinese fishermen.

ON COGNITIVE DISSONANCE AND FALSE DICHOTOMIES
What is baffling about the findings, however, are two numbers: 87% believe that the Philippine government should assert its right on the islands in the WPS even as 71% believe that the government is serious in protecting Filipino fisherfolk in the WPS.

There could be a form of cognitive dissonance amongst the public here. Public perception regarding the government still remains largely positive despite the three years of inaction, passivity, and over-all lack of political will from the administration to protect the national interest and the constitutional mandate to defend our territory.

Public perception in this instance is a direct result of the unclear foreign policy gravitas the current government is exhibiting, contrary to its much-vaunted foreign policy pivot branded as “independent.” Though doubts are cast and more questions than answers surface, the only clear stance from the government is its preference to align with its new ally, China.

President Duterte and other officials have pushed various statements that warn of possible war if the Philippines were to keep its stance in the WPS. The false dichotomy between lopsided exploitation sugarcoated as peace, and absolute destruction with the threat of war is thrown around to keep the public in check. By taking away its self-reliance and pride, the public’s will to defend itself festers from the inside as the foundations of national interest rot and will inevitably buckle, not from the weight brought by an external adversary but the enemy within.

 

Ren de los Santos is a Research Manager of the Stratbase Group and a Resident Fellow for Global Politics, Stratbase ADR Institute.

Amending the Public Service Law: Distinguishing public utilities from public services

Senate Bill No. 1441 seeks to amend the Public Service Act to differentiate a “public service” from a “public utility,” thereby lifting the nationality restriction on the areas of power generation and supply, transportation, broadcasting, and telecommunication, among others.

During the 17th Congress of the Philippines, Senate Bill No. 1441 was introduced seeking to amend the antiquated Commonwealth Act No. 146, otherwise known as the “Public Service Act,” which is the primary law, after the Philippine Constitution, that governs public services in the Philippines. In particular, the following amendments were proposed: the transfer of the functions of the now defunct Public Service Commission to various administrative agencies; the definition of “public utility” as distinguished from a “public service;” an appropriate mechanism for fixing rates based on a reasonable rate of return; and, the penalties for violations.

Most notable among the aforementioned proposed amendments is in the definition of a “public utility” which has, in the past, been used interchangeably with the term “public service.” As currently worded, the Public Service Act defines a “public service” to include “every person that now or hereafter may own, operate, manage, or control in the Philippines, for hire or compensation, with general or limited clientele, whether permanent, occasional or accidental, and done for general business purposes, any common carrier, railroad, street railway, traction railway, sub-way motor vehicle, either for freight or passenger, or both with or without fixed route and whether may be its classification, freight or carrier service of any class, express service, steamboat or steamship line, pontines, ferries, and water craft, engaged in the transportation of passengers or freight or both, shipyard, marine railways, marine repair shop, [warehouse] wharf or dock, ice plant, ice-refrigeration plant, canal, irrigation system, gas, electric light, heat and power, water supply and power, petroleum, sewerage system, wire or wireless communications system, wire or wireless broadcasting stations and other similar public services.”

At the time of its passing, the intent of the law was to regulate public services, which by its very nature, is imbued with public interest, to ensure that such basic public services were accessible to everyone equally. Public service providers were limited to Filipino citizens, and to entities at least 60% of whose capital is owned and controlled by Filipino citizens. By reason of such a restriction, monopolies were inevitably formed as very few local players had the financial resources and technical capacity required by such enterprises.

The 1987 Constitution of the Philippines provides that “No franchise, certificate, or any other form of authorization for the operation of a public utility shall be granted except to citizens of the Philippines or to corporations or associations organized under the laws of the Philippines, at least 60 per centum of whose capital is owned by such citizens.” In this connection, the 11th Foreign Investment Negative List lists the “operation of a public utility” as an area of investment which is limited to no more than 40% foreign equity participation.

However, the Constitution itself does not define a “public utility” and, accordingly, the term has been interpreted broadly to include all public services, thereby applying the stringent nationality requirements under the Constitution to all who fit the all-encompassing definition, no doubt discouraging, if not scaring away, potential foreign investors.

The proposed amendment statutorily defines a public utility as a mere subset of public services, a recognition that while a public utility is a public service, it is much smaller in scope than the latter, and limits the same to just three main industries, namely: Transmission of Electricity; Distribution of Electricity; and Water Works and Sewerage Systems. The bill further provides that no other business or service shall be classified as a public utility unless otherwise subsequently provided by law, upon recommendation by the Philippine Competition Commission, in consultation with the National Economic and Development Authority.

The bill proposes to lift the nationality restrictions on all public services, and limits the application of the same to those that fall within the proposed limited definition of public utilities. Similarly, this would limit the application of the constitutional restriction on public utilities to those defined as such. This would have significant consequences to foreign investments in the areas of transportation, broadcasting, telecommunication, and power generation and supply, to name a few, as such declassified industries would now be allowed to be wholly foreign owned and controlled.

Proponents of the amendment claim that this would open the industry to actual, true and meaningful competition, with the immediate effect of allowing more players, both domestic and foreign, to “slug it out to win the satisfaction of the Filipino people.” Foreign players will now be allowed to come in and force local players to compete, and break natural monopolies that have formed through the years.

There is no doubt that many sectors of society have an interest in getting the amendments passed, and the proponents are no less tenacious in pushing for the same. The President himself has signified his interest to open up the telecommunication industry to foreign players. Nonetheless, the 18th Congress is a whole new ball game, and whatever the legislative wisdom may be, we can only hope that the interests of the Filipino people remain primordial.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author. This article is for general informational and educational purposes, and not offered as, and does not constitute, legal advice or legal opinion.

 

Jacquelyn Ann Marie G. Anzures is an Associate of the Corporate and Special Projects Department of the Angara Abello Concepcion Regala & Cruz Law Offices (ACCRALAW).

jganzurez@accralaw.com.

The Mark of Cain

The government of President Rodrigo Duterte continues to rail againstthe United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) and the International Criminal Court (ICC), which have been accusing Pres. Duterte of human rights violations in connection with his campaign to eliminate the drug menace in the Philippines.

According to officials of the two international bodies, Pres. Duterte, his police enforcers, and alleged vigilantes have, instead, eliminated thousands of small-time drug pushers and users, in the process killing civilians, including children, “extra-judicially” or outside the law.

Pres. Duterte’s response has been to withdraw the Philippines from the ICC, in effect saying that he and the country are now outside the jurisdiction of the court.

This time, Pres. Duterte is threatening to pull out of the UNHRC in the wake of a resolution initiated by Iceland to seek a review of allegations of Pres. Duterte’s human rights violations.

Expectedly, the Pres. Duterte government has described the resolution as an “abuse” of due process. Presidential spokesman Salvador Panelo has pointed out that only 18 countries voted in favor of the resolution, while 14 objected and 15 abstained.

Executive secretary Salvador Medialdea declared that “a minority has short-circuited and rendered inutile the time-honored mechanisms by which the UN maintains the accountability of member-states, such as the treaty body system and the UNHRC’s Universal Periodic Review.”

Last March, the Philippines also declined to ratify the Rome Statute, the treaty that formed the ICC, due to the court’s decision to conduct a preliminary examination of Pres. Duterte’s drug war.

The Pres. Duterte government maintains that the ICC does not have any jurisdiction over the Philippines “because the Rome Statute was not published in the government’s official publication.” On the other hand, the ICC insists that the withdrawal of the Philippines does not relieve the country of its obligation to cooperate with the investigation.

Whether or not this polemic exchange will result in retribution on the part of Pres. Duterte and Philippine government officials, or whether this has simply been a way for the busybodies in the ICC to reassure themselves that they are doing the job is the question.

Conflicting arguments have been thrown into the cauldron, the primary one being that“immunity from prosecutionis a doctrine of international law that allows an accused (specifically a head of state or high-ranking official) to avoid prosecution for criminal offences. Immunities are of two types. The first isfunctional immunity, or immunityratione materiae.This is an immunity granted to people who perform certain functions of state. The second ispersonal immunity, or immunityratione personae. This is an immunity granted to certain officials because of the office they hold, rather than in relation to the act they have committed.”

Here’s more:

“The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations codifies essentially every country in the world promising not to do this kind of thing. This protection is extended not just to heads of state, but to all diplomats their staff and their families. It is commonly calleddiplomatic immunity.

“Of course international law is only as powerful as nations allow it to be, so if a leading nation like the US or China abused a less globally active one like Somalia or Papua New Guinea there wouldn’t be expected to be any direct meaningful repercussions.”

This happened in the case of Panama’s Manuel Noriega, although the circumstances were slightly different. The US arrested Noriega right in his own country for racketeering, drug smuggling and money laundering and he was thrown in federal prison.

But one significant insight concerns former Chile strongman Augusto Pinoche. The dictator, accused of the death and disappearance of thousands during his reign, was arrested in England in 1998 based on a warrant issued by a Spanish judge charging Mr. Pinoche with human rights abuses.

The indictment and arrest were based on existing Spanish and English laws that had been enacted to embody international treaty obligations.

According to international media, they were based on“a landmark decision by European judges and the UK’sHouse of Lords, which set aside functional as well as local immunities,by ruling that the crimes Mr. Pinoche was accused of fell within the scope of theUnited Nations Convention against Torture, beinginternational crimesso heinous that they are:

• subject to universal jurisdiction;

• absolutely prohibited (there can be no exceptions whatever to the prohibitions); and,

• responsibility cannot be derogated (no excuses whatsoever or immunity under any circumstances).

“The principle of depriving immunity for international crimes was developed further in the jurisprudence of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, particularly in theKaradzic,Milosevic, andFurundzijacases.”

These three were East European strongmen who had committed heinous crimes in their countries and were indicted by international courts

What may give Pres. Duterte reason to worry is that both Spain and the UK voted in favor of the Iceland-initiated resolution.

There is another perspective on the issue, which is that enforcement depends not only on international treaties and domestic law, but also on the inclination of the indicting and arresting country to do so or to desist, for its own reasons.

An English court decided that a warrant could not be issued for the arrest of Robert Mugabeof Zimbabwe for international crimes because he was head of state at the time that the proceedings were initiated. Other examples of refusal to prosecute by Spain and the US, respectively, involved Cuba’s Fidel Castro and China’sJiang Zemin.

In one interesting social media exchange, someone posted: “Well,if the prime minister of Papua New Guinea (PNG) came to visit the US and the US arrested him and threw him in jail, it’s surely true that PNG would be in no position to declare war or anything like that. But there would surely be a huge international outcry. Even countries that didn’t like the PM of PNG would probably be very concerned about the precedent. It might, I suppose, depend on just WHY the US arrested him.”

Foreign Secretary Teddy Boy Locsin has used the US as an example for ignoring the UNHRC. The US is said to have protested the bias of the UN body against Israel while saying nothing about Iran and North Korea.

In 2007, France refused demands of international quarters to indict former US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld for torture and other alleged crimes committed in the course of the US invasion of Iraq. Similar demands were made against US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.

Does that mean that Pres. Duterte is “safe” from prosecution after (or even during) his term, or does he has to watch his back while on a foreign trip?

Does he or does he not have the Mark of Cain on him?

Who knows?

One thing is certain, US federal court judges don’t seem to care about State Department or White House foreign policy. Remember how a Honolulu judge decided against the Marcos government for human rights violations in the Philippines?

Of course, one basis was that the Marcoses had fallen within the court’s jurisdiction by fleeing to Hawaii instead of Paoay. But then, what about the Philippine politicians (circa Pres. Duterte, Aquino, Arroyo, Estrada, etc.) who have assets in America?

I would worry if I were in their shoes.

 

Greg B. Macabenta is an advertising and communications man shuttling between San Francisco and Manila and providing unique insights on issues from both perspectives.

gregmacabenta@hotmail.com

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