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Cooking oil maker plans on Russia, Belarus road show

THE makers of Minola cooking oil will embark on a week-long road show in Moscow and Minsk, Belarus starting March 18 to introduce coconut oil products to Eastern Europe, Agriculture Secretary Emmanuel F. Piñol said on Thursday.
Minola is produced by San Pablo Oil Mill, one of the four coconut oil mills owned by the government through the Coconut Industry Investment Fund-Oil Management Group (CIIF-OMG).
The road show will be facilitated by Monaco-based Russian businessman Igor Malyshkov who is currently in the Philippines to visit coconut oil mills, Mr. Piñol said.
“We cannot sell yet because we will have to comply with all the needed sanitary and quarantine requirements and that will take about three to four months,” Mr. Piñol said in a social media post.
Mr. Piñol said the cooking oil will be displayed in two outlets of a supermarket chain with access to thousands of outlets in Eastern Europe.
Mr. Malyshkov “expects the owners of the large supermarket chain to sign a marketing agreement with the Philippine coconut producers,” according to Mr. Piñol.
“The (Department of Agriculture) will start shipping this week the items which will be put on display in a supermarket in Moscow and another in Minsk,” Mr. Piñol said.
Other products that will be displayed are virgin coconut oil, coco chips, coco syrup, coco sugar and coco margarine.
Mr. Malyshkov briefed Mr. Piñol about the potential of the Eastern European market, which the latter said is growing more health-conscious. — Reicelene Joy N. Ignacio

Oil import bill jumps nearly 32% in 2018

THE COST of oil imports in 2018 hit $13.48 billion, up 31.8%, due to the combined effects of higher fuel prices and increased import volumes, the Department of Energy (DoE) said on Thursday.
The DoE said the cost of imports breaks down into 54.5% from finished products and 45.5% from crude oil.
Last year, the country imported crude oil amounting to $6.14 billion, up 41.8%, after the cost, insurance and freight (CIF) per barrel of crude oil rose to $71.587 from $55.774 previously.
The total import cost for finished products rose 24.4% to $7.34 billion at an average CIF price of $75.216 per barrel. A year earlier, the import bill was $5.90 billion at an average CIF cost of $60.548 per barrel.
On the other hand, petroleum export earnings for 2018 rose 40% to $1.36 billion.
The net oil import bill was $12.12 billion, up 30.9%.
The DoE said 86.9% of the crude oil imports were sourced from the Middle East, of which 33.7%, with Saudi Arabia the top supplier, accounting for 33.7% of the total.
Kuwait had a 26.3% share of the Philippine crude market, followed by the United Arab Emirates and Russia with 20.9% and 7.4%, respectively.
Some 4.5% of crude imports were from within ASEAN while domestic output accounted for 0.1% of the crude total. Some crude oil was also imported from Nigeria. The remaining 1.9% was from Oman, Taiwan and South Korea.
Meanwhile, the DoE reported that the oil major accounted for 52.8% of the market in terms of demand. These are Petron Corp., Chevron Philippines and Pilipinas Shell Petroleum Corp. Smaller oil firms and direct importers accounted for the rest. — Victor V. Saulon

Why we persevere

By Love Basillote
YEAR ON year since 2006, we watched the drive and delay of countries in their bid to close the gender gap. The index, which benchmarks some 149 countries using four sub-indices, was introduced by the World Economic Forum and every year, we also try to see how our country fared versus others.
Most of us in the development sector would know that Philippines is one of the better performers — ranking 8th overall in the 2018 round, and second only to New Zealand in Asia Pacific. In the Economic Participation and Opportunity sub-index, we have reportedly closed 80% of the gap. Fully addressing this gap means having as many women as men in the labor force, with equal pay and career prospects.
Understanding statistics and personal circumstances of female NEETs
It is best to understand the challenges layer by layer, and the first stratum we need to look at is unemployment in general.
Data from the Philippine Statistics Authority show that of all urban youth aged 18-24 who are not in education, employment or training (NEET) 33% are females. This is much higher than the rate of male urban youth NEET at 21%. We have more underserved young Filipinas whose potential contributions to the country are not maximized.
There are many barriers that keep young Filipinas from participating in the workforce: sickness and disability, lack of jobs, and staying in their roles as housewife and deliberately not wanting to work. We found out further that certain sub-groups are more likely to be youth NEET. Such groups include: married female youth, youth without vocational training experience, and youth with only an elementary education.
A program to bridge the gap
Our work in Philippine Business for Education, an organization I serve as executive director, speaks to the need to maximize the youth’s access to relevant training and employment opportunities.
In June 2018, PBEd teamed up with the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) to launch YouthWorks PH. This is a five-year, Php1.7 billion workforce development project that will provide training to out of school youth. As part of USAID’s Global Development Alliance of increasing private sector involvement in development, the project aims to support inclusive growth and shared prosperity by aligning education and employment.
Our ambition is grand: equip the Filipino youth with skills and competencies they need to navigate a changing economic landscape, so they could lead meaningful lives. YouthWorks PH works towards this goal by aiming to reach, train, and place over 4,000 youth NEET in middle-skill jobs. Middle-skill jobs require some high school education or vocational training as opposed to the traditional bachelor’s degree. These include medical technicians, sales agents, food service managers and chefs, or IT support specialists. Growth sectors like construction, energy, hospitality and tourism, manufacturing, and energy need such type of workers.
To link these sectors to our jobless out-of-school youth, PBEd forged partnerships in key cities across the Philippines like Metro Manila, Cebu, Cagayan de Oro City and Zamboanga City. Academic institutions and companies in these areas have opened up to provide work-based training to youth NEET, and in the second year of our project we are expanding to Iloilo, Davao and Gen. Santos City. We intend to lay the foundation for more extensive private sector engagement in the future. We are also working with industry to ensure that their hiring policies put premium on skills and competencies — a crucial factor in breaking gender stereotypes in the workplace.
A design based on learnings
With these in mind, the Youthworks PH program design was therefore based on three key learnings.
We can’t do this alone. First, YouthWorks PH will gather private sector partners who are willing to provide youth with work-based training positions; second, we will work with the academe in developing training curricula; and we will enlist the help of the Technical Education and Skills Development Authority to provide competency certifications by the end of the program.
We need to address issues of confidence and gender stereotypes. Exposure to training obviously helps address the skills gap. There are, however, some deeper and more personal implications of training — confidence and self-efficacy. This is empowerment, having people realize their worth and their capability to influence the events in their own lives. We just have to give them something to start with as early as possible. This project is in its early stages, but we are encouraged by existing models like that of our partner Punlaan School in San Juan, where girls are trained and sent to apprenticeships. We are in the process of learning from these models and right-sizing the intervention to better fit the Filipina youth NEET.
The Youthworks PH program ends in 2023. By which time, we also fervently hope that we have contributed enough to lessen the gap. However, working towards youth employment and equality in the long run is a collaborative effort among the government, industry and academe. There is a need for education stakeholders to break out of their silos and link up. In pushing for reforms, a close relationship between schools and private companies under a conducive policy environment is a good place to start. Our plans may be ambitious, but we are confident we can get it done.

Duterte and Trump

The Chinese embassy in Manila had earlier demolished Duterte spokesperson Salvador Panelo’s tale that should the government deport Chinese nationals illegally working in the Philippines, the Ambassador had threatened to do the same to Filipinos in China.
The Embassy said the Chinese government would do no such thing because it “respects” Philippine laws. But there was Panelo again last Saturday (March 2) with another story. This time it was about visiting US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s supposedly telling President Rodrigo Duterte that he is just like US President Donald Trump in that he (Duterte) too is “frank, does not favor anyone and can go against everyone.”
Hardly containing his glee, Panelo went on to say that Pompeo was “very fond” of Mr. Duterte, implying thereby that Trump is similarly disposed. Whether Panelo was telling the truth or not, he apparently believes that being like Trump is something most Filipinos in this pro-US country would consider a virtue.
Trump has indeed demonstrated his affection for Duterte by saying that he’s doing an excellent job in his “war on drugs,” and even said it should be replicated in the US. But he also knows how important the country is to US strategic interests in Asia: he described the Philippines at one point as “a prime piece of real estate.”
Panelo’s point in recalling that alleged incident was clear enough, however: Pompeo likes Mr. Duterte because he is just like Trump. Unfortunately that’s not as flattering to his patron as he thinks. There’s an emerging consensus among academics, the press, business, women’s groups, people of color and even conservatives in the US that Trump is one of the worst presidents the US has ever had. All the opinion polls are united in their findings that he has one of the lowest approval ratings of any US president after only two years in power.
Public approval of Trump is declining even in the US Midwest. It was at a low 40 percent this February, with nearly 60 percent disapproving of Trump in the same month. Like the Midwest, the South was also a Trump stronghold in 2016, but his approval rating has also declined in the southern states from around 60 percent in July 2018 to 44 percent last February. (Mr. Duterte’s approval ratings are of course much higher. Although they fell to 75 percent in September 2018, they were at 81 percent by year-end.)
Trump is currently under siege from a variety of accusations ranging from treason to dishonesty, racism, and disrespect for women and gays. Mr. Duterte’s critics could say that he does have these in common with Trump, although his forays into racist rhetoric have been relatively few, among them his dismissing the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor as “that black woman.” But the word “treason” has also been used to describe his bending over backwards to accommodate not only the military interests of China by doing nothing about that country’s intrusion into the West Philippine Sea, but also his entering into onerous agreements with it and his encouraging the influx into the country of tens of thousands of Chinese workers while Filipinos are forced to leave the country for jobs abroad.
Mr. Duterte shares with Trump his widely known misogyny and disrespect for women, even as his so-called campaign against corruption has failed to convince anyone that honesty in government is really a regime policy.
Neither of them can stand criticism, an independent press, and free expression. Trump routinely condemns the critical US press for supposedly disseminating “fake news.” He has even described the media as “the enemy of the people,” and incited violence against journalists. If that sounds familiar, it is because Mr. Duterte has been doing the same thing to the independent press in the Philippines and frequently incites violence against regime critics.
What separates him from Trump are the drug-related killings under his watch, which, even if pegged at “only” 4,500 as the Philippine National Police (PNP) claims, is such a flagrantly unacceptable policy Trump has never again repeated the idea of his replicating in the US the Duterte policy that makes the killings inevitable.
Like Mr. Duterte, however, Trump has no coherent ideology or philosophy of government. It helps explain the confusion over what both were really up to during their first months in office. In Trump’s case, what has been established is that he isn’t really for anything beyond his personal interest in wealth and power. That’s according to his former “fixer,” Michael Cohen, who in his testimony before the US House of Representatives last February 28 called Trump a “racist, a con man and a cheat.”
Whatever he may be, as president of the lone remaining superpower on the planet, Trump has the political, economic, and military means to compel other countries, including the Philippines, to bow to US wishes. Mr. Duterte has neither the capacity nor the will to even defend Philippine sovereignty. Despite the seeming love fest between him and Trump, by visiting the Philippines at this time and reiterating the imperatives of the “special relations” between his country and the Philippines, the US Secretary of State was in fact sending Mr. Duterte and his Chinese patrons a message that should be clear enough even to the most intellectually challenged.
Pompeo’s declaration that China’s occupation of the West Philippine Sea is against Philippine interests, and his reaffirmation of the US’ commitment to defend the Philippines under the terms of the Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT) if it is attacked were a warning to China as well as to the current regime. His statements were made in the context of the government’s failure to even protest Chinese aggression and its morphing into a Chinese dependency. The US regards both as offensive to its policy of containing the one country that is seriously challenging its dominance in Asia and elsewhere in the globe.
Malacañang is supposedly contemplating a review of the MDT. The US is likely to interpret that act as one more indication of Mr. Duterte’s pro-China policy, and can be expected to do all it can to prevent it, or to at least make sure that if it does happen, will only re-affirm the country’s need for the US’ security umbrella. As the US’ most reliably subservient client institution, the Philippine military will not support any attempt to rescind the treaty, a certainty that will prevent the regime’s doing so despite Mr. Duterte’s anti-US bluster.
Will the supposed friendship between Mr. Duterte and Donald Trump matter should the US conclude that the former has become a liability? Trump is unlikely to risk his own interest in keeping his all-white and chauvinist constituency intact in preparation for the US presidential elections in 2020. That constituency is as likely to condemn any sign of US weakness in Asia in the same way that it condemned his inability to get the funding for the construction of his promised $5.7 billion wall along the US-Mexico border. There is also the fact that the US presidency is only one among several centers of power in that country. The US Congress, and the military-industrial complex among others, are power centers that do make their preferences felt in the framing and implementation of US domestic and foreign policies.
Mr. Duterte and Trump do have certain things in common. But they won’t be enough to make a difference once the US is convinced that Mr. Duterte’s pivot to China is real enough and hostile to US interests. And from all indications, particularly his often repeated claim that the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) “wants to kill (him),” Mr. Duterte knows it.
 
Luis V. Teodoro is on Facebook and Twitter (@luisteodoro).
www.luisteodoro.com

Equality apparently demands women fight in combat

In 2018, three women applied to Britain’s Special Air Service (the SAS). Only one was considered fit enough to join the normal selection process. She quit two weeks into the 18-week training course.
And the British government’s verdict? Adjust the selection and training as to make it easier for women to join the SAS.
To be fair, though, the idea seemed to have been considered the year before, says The Telegraph. Soldiers hoping to join the Special Air Service and its sister regiment, the Special Boat Service (SBS), currently have to pass an initial physical test, which involves carrying heavy rucksacks over a series of long marches across mountainous terrain. But according to reports, the SAS is considering allowing female recruits to carry lighter loads and giving them more time to complete the test. The suggestion comes after the government said it wanted to see all close combat units in the British military open to women by 2019. (See this link.) It is felt that the marching tests are unfairly discriminating against women who may have the attributes needed to succeed as SAS soldiers.
2017 also saw the US’ Navy Seals’ first woman recruit. She bailed out in the first week of training.
Unlike the SAS applicant, who was given her own accommodations separate from the male SAS members (which, naturally, meant added costs for the unit), political commentator Susan Wright reported that “no special allowances” were made for the female Navy Seal applicant. Good decision on the part of the Seals.
Ms. Wright continues: “They were required to undergo the same physical challenges as their male counterparts, which makes sense, since the challenges in combat they would face would be the same.”
“If you want to compete in a role more suited to men, due to the biological certainties of bigger size, more musculature, then you have to prove you can keep up. Your teammates’ lives may be on the line one day, and war does not take a day off for bloating and irritability.”
Unfortunately, a US Marines 2015 thousand-page study, “Implications of Integrating Women in the Marine Corps Infantry,” revealed that women in combat situations do get injured more and shoot less accurately than men: “All-male squads, teams and crews demonstrated higher performance levels,” were more lethal, faster, stronger.
Conservative writer Phyllis Schlafly puts it best, which is to say quite bluntly — “Women should not serve in military combat.”
There is, after all, “no evidence in all history for the proposition that the assignment of women to military combat jobs is the way to advance women’s rights, promote national security, improve combat readiness, or win wars. Indeed, the entire experience of recorded history teaches us that battles are not won by coed armies or coed navies.”
“Every country that has experimented with women in combat has abandoned the idea. The notion that Israel uses women in combat is a feminist myth. Women are treated very differently from men in the Israeli armed forces. They serve only about half as long; they are housed in separate barracks; they have an automatic exemption if they marry or have a baby. Commenting on the sex-integration practices of the US Armed Services, one Israeli general said, ‘We do not do what you do in the United States because, unfortunately, we have to take war seriously.’”
Indeed, war is a serious matter and should be treated with the utmost seriousness it deserves.
The military should not be made a gender project by social justice warriors.
It’s frankly a matter of survival. The military, as General Douglas MacArthur declares, has one job: “to win wars.”
Even that political trope — “equality” with men — used with utter consistency in arguing for women in the military, has no basis in reality.
Christina Hoff Sommers blasted the feminist myth that “men are the privileged sex.” Fact is: “neither sex has the better deal. Modern life is a complicated mix of burdens and advantages — for each sex.” But “when it comes to being crushed, mutilated, electrocuted, or mangled at work, men are at a distinct disadvantage. Most backbreaking, lethally dangerous jobs — roofer, logger, roustabout, and coal miner, to name a few — are done by men.”
Indeed, as Ms. Sommers concludes: “Today’s women’s lobby deploys a faulty logic: In cases where men are better off than women, that’s injustice. Where women are doing better — that’s life.”
Ironically, at precisely the time transgenders (i.e., people who assume a gender identity different from the sex/gender at birth), to be more specific male transgenders, are crushing women in various athletic competitions: biking, track, boxing, wrestling, MMA — that liberal progressives are demanding women be placed in harm’s way in direct face-to-face combat.
They’ll probably get what they want: a Texas federal judge ruled that all-male military drafts are unconstitutional, paving the way for wives, sisters, and daughters to be compelled to fight in the frontlines during wartime.
But, as the feminists would say: that’s life.
 
Jemy Gatdula is a Senior Fellow of the Philippine Council for Foreign Relations and a Philippine Judicial Academy law lecturer for constitutional philosophy and jurisprudence.

What’s at stake for us in the 2019 midterm elections?

In most democratic societies, midterm elections are seen not only as a referendum on the performance of a sitting government/political party. It may also determine to what extent can the current administration move forward unencumbered with its agenda — or whether it will need to begin building bipartisan confidence in order to govern with its symbolic authority intact.
Bipartisanship, sadly, has never been a strong suit of the administration of Rodrigo Duterte. (Or at least, it is clearly confident in its presumed mandate to not even bother with it.) To be sure, commentators and partisans of the administration might point to the passage of legislation by non-administration solons as proof of bipartisanship. However, we could also equally make the case that such happened in spite of, and not because of, the administration’s agenda.
Furthermore, its consistent hounding of opposition voices plus its persistent disregard of the rule of law and international standards of human rights do not inspire confidence. These hurt its pretensions to legitimate democratic governance — despite persistent spinning by Malacañang’s communication offices. Coverage of commentary by other political analysts in the Philippines already suggest that the laggardness/backsliding of many of our political institutions are already hurting the chances of the Philippines in pursuing genuine development — despite confident economic figures and projections.
The 2019 midterm elections should be framed not only as the Duterte administration’s affirmation of its mandate to its (presumed) 16.6 million voters last 2016. It should already have been utilized as a rallying cry for opposition forces (most of whom claim to genuinely respect democratic institutions) to appeal to the other, projected 47 million potential voters (out of the close to 63 million registered voters announced by the Commission on Elections).
Unfortunately, it seems the rhetoric of the senatorial campaign (at least looking at the administration-backed Hugpong ng Pagbabago and the opposition Otso Diretso slate) is still centered on personalistic “credentials-shaming” discourse. At face value, this is not entirely without basis. After all, the job of national-level legislation does require a willingness to engage in midnight-oil study, deskwork and field consultation. However, to presume that educational and professional attainment is the appropriate and sole basis for electing lawmakers would be to ignore (if not violate) the entire democratic spirit of the 1987 Constitution.
Our senators are not only supposed to be “the best and brightest” by academic and professional reckoning. They are supposed to be the ones with proven reputation and public standing to be working on behalf of the national good — not merely “national patrons” expected to bring home any bacon to their provincial hometowns or allied areas. Looking at the names on the Hugpong slate and the ones endorsed by President Duterte, we are regaled by names of those with multiple allegations and proven instances of corruption and plunder. Criticisms of the cheap gimmicks of the slate (as well as the persistent evasion of Imee Marcos regarding her degrees) are at least understandable.
But the way partisans of Otso Diretso (not necessarily the candidates themselves) have tried to sell themselves have not properly capitalized on the regime slate’s weaknesses. So far, they have simply been going about brandishing the CVs of their bets, without a united, clear platform of legislation and governance.
They are yet to demonstrate that they intend to be a solid bloc that can fiscalize against the overreaching actions of the administration. There is still no clear indication (save the individual promises of the candidates themselves) that they intend to push for sector-relevant legislation — and that they will mobilize together inside the Senate to do such. Furthermore, the campaigners of the team seem to have forgotten that much of the misgivings and resentments of the Filipino public against the Aquino administration’s governance pitfalls will continue to hound them, whether they want to or not.
If any, the discourse of those seeking to support the opposition slate — motivated as they are by certain “moralistic”/“patronizing” rhetoric, might hurt them even more. Works published by the Ateneo de Manila University (such as Frederic Schaffer’s The Hidden Costs of Clean Election Reform and Wataru Kusaka’s Moral Politics in the Philippines) demonstrate how campaigning that “shames” the voting public is more often than not going to further alienate them from the advocacy/issue/personality being campaigned for.
How, then, should our candidates approach our kababayans? If experience and recorded research is any indication, the demands of the Filipino public vis-à-vis their prospective leaders and lawmakers don’t change. To quote the Institute of Philippine Culture (IPC)’s 2004 study “The Vote of the Poor,” “they value educational qualifications, but they were also suspicious about those with superior education. They said experience and good intentions more than compensate for a lack of college education.” At the same time, our countrymen might still be beholden to “idealistic notions of leadership, valuing qualities such as piety, helpfulness, sincerity, and responsibility.”
Is it a matter, therefore, of merely “choosing the ‘right’ candidate,” whatever our personal biases of “being right” means? This should not be the case. Legislative representation requires choosing the candidates that represent our issues best, which is almost always different from the kind of “righteousness” candidates market themselves to us.
In my personal experience (both as a scholar and as a participant in advocacy groups), the last thing any campaign wants would be for its good intentions to be questioned, especially if it overlooked some key considerations and frustrations of its target audience. One can only wish that those who entered the Senate race — more so those claiming to restore some semblance of democratic value to our government institutions — have not, once again, ignored the fears that brought us here in the first place (or worse, fomented them in the first place).
 
Hansley A. Juliano serves as Lecturer to the Department of Political Science, School of Social Sciences, Ateneo de Manila University. He is also engaged in research and advocacy for various sectoral issues (such as labor rights and agrarian reform).

100 years of a nationalist: Renato Constantino as social critic and public intellectual

By Francisco Jayme Paolo A. Guiang
“NATIONALISM is not just an empty word full of emotional appeal. It is the expression of a reality — that we have a country of our own, which must be kept our own. Its political expression is independence.”
These were the words that Renato Constantino wrote in an article entitled “The Corrupt Society” published in 1958 for the Sunday Times Magazine.
More than six decades later, the relevance of this statement remains undisputed as Filipinos continue to contend with forces that impede national development. The current threats against the nation’s democratic institutions and sovereignty make the struggle for profound change a necessary undertaking. Given this context, Renato Constantino’s ideas on nationalism can serve as a guide for the task at hand. But in dealing with his timeless thoughts, an introduction to the man must first be in order: who was Renato Constantino and why do his views still find bearing in the present-day?
Tato, as he was known by his peers, was raised in Manila, which was the hotbed of contending socio-political ideologues in the 1930s. He was educated at the Manila North High School (now, Arellano High School) and the University of the Philippines (UP) where student activism influenced his worldview.
During his time as the editor of UP’s Philippine Collegian, he fervently wrote about the youth’s vital role in the nationalist struggle for independence and, at the same time, criticized political bigwigs. That was his way of expressing himself as a young nationalist: wielding the pen with words of keen wit and sharpness while exposing social ills. Tato’s most crucial views on nationalism came in the years that followed the Second World War when, as a professional journalist, he wrote about the society’s glaring issues. His writings were published in various broadsheets and magazines like the Evening Herald, Manila Chronicle, Malaya, Daily Globe, Manila Bulletin, Manila Times, and Graphic.
In them, he expressed his criticism on the Filipino society’s “synthetic” culture and identity shaped by its long colonial experience. Coupled with this is the problem of political subservience and mendicancy that transformed the nation into a neo-colony of American imperialists. Nonetheless, Tato was hopeful for the promise of revolutionary change. He stressed the importance of nationalism as the Filipinos’ primary weapon against reactionary forces. He even asserted that nationalism with an anti-imperialist strand is the best means to produce a counter-consciousness for the purpose of social emancipation.
On the other hand, Tato’s love for history made his social criticisms more potent. His notion of partisan scholarship, though questionable for most academics, met the needs of his nationalist aspirations: “History… should serve the purpose of integrating seemingly isolated facts and events into a coherent historical process so that a view of the totality of social reality may be achieved…” he wrote in The Philippines: A Past Revisited, published in 1975. He opines that a history biased towards the struggles of the people is one that could free the Filipinos’ consciousness from years of colonial miseducation.
Indeed, Tato’s controversial image as a historian and journalist made him one of the most influential public intellectuals of his generation. His stature as a leftist even earned him the label of being a communist. He was actually subjected to various forms of political harassments including that in the 1960s during the “witch-hunt” facilitated by the Committee of Anti-Filipino Activities (CAFA) and the 1970s during the Martial Law years.
But Tato endured and never wavered. Nationalism and social criticism remained constant themes in his columns and articles. He continued to articulate provocative sentiments about the issues of his time, most of which are still relatable up to today: government corruption and patronage politics, economic subservience due to foreign debt, the question of independence and sovereignty, and the like. Hence, his nationalism will always be applicable and valid because it attempts resolve society’s chronic problems.
Tato ultimately deserves the same esteem accorded to 20th century Filipino nationalists like Senators Lorenzo Tañada and Claro M. Recto. March 10, 2019 marks his 100th birth anniversary and after so many years his message remains an appropriate and relevant reminder about the country’s situation. Tato, the social critic and public intellectual, continues to speak to us because there is much to be done.
 
Francisco Jayme Paolo A. Guiang is an instructor at the Department of History of the University of the Philippines.

Peso inches up vs dollar

peso bills
THE PESO inched higher on hawkish remarks from a Federal Reserve official.

THE PESO appreciated slightly against the dollar on Thursday on the back of hawkish statements from a US Federal Reserve official.
The local unit closed Thursday’s session at P52.15 versus the greenback, 1.5 centavos stronger than the P52.165-per-dollar finish last Wednesday.
The peso opened the session weaker at P52.20, slipping to as low as P52.24 intraday. However, it bounced back to log its best showing at P52.12 before settling at its closing rate.
Trading volume thinned to $1.079 billion from the $1.31 billion that changed hands in the previous session.
A foreign exchange trader said the peso traded within a tight range after two days of big moves.
“The range was quite tight after two days of big moves. We just saw the dollar-peso consolidating. We’re seeing volatility, but at this point, it’s a wait and see what direction the peso will be,” the trader said yesterday in a phone interview.
Meanwhile, another trader said the peso strengthened after New York Fed President John Williams said persistently low US inflation has reduced broad expectations of future rate hikes from the central bank.
Mr. Williams said on Wednesday that the American economy is heading into a “new normal” of slower economic growth at about 2% this year from last year’s 3%.
However, Mr. Williams said slower growth “isn’t necessary cause for alarm,” given the “good” overall picture of the US economy.
“Fed Williams’ statement has reinforced views that the Fed might not adjust its policy rates this year if US inflation remains subdued well below the Fed’s 2% target,” the second trader said.
“This, in effect, will give room to the peso as well as other emerging market currencies.”
For today, the first trader expects the peso to move between P52 and P52.50, while the other gave a P52.05-P52.25 range. — KANV

Stocks post gains despite global growth concerns

THE MAIN INDEX extended gains on Thursday, bucking negative sentiment overseas as investors were concerned over a possible slowdown in global growth.
The bellwether Philippine Stock Exchange index (PSEi) climbed 0.77% or 60.45 points to close at 7,881.79 yesterday. The broader all-shares index likewise rose 0.76% or 36.89 points to 4,845.96.
“As global equities trade sideways because of concerns on the slowing of global growth, here at the PSE the main index continues to regain strength… We had another low-volume day today as the main index continues to climb with foreign inflows,” Eagle Equities Inc. Research Head Christopher John Mangun said in an e-mail on Thursday.
Mr. Mangun, however, noted that the rally may be short-lived without the support of local investors.
The US Federal Reserve’s Beige Book, which contains anecdotal information from business contacts throughout the Federal Reserve’s 12 districts, said manufacturers are becoming increasingly worried about Washington’s trade spat with China, as well as other factors that could dampen their growth prospects.
The Beige Book also noted concerns on the longest government shutdown in US history, as US President Donald J. Trump insists on Congress to fund his request for a $5-billion US-Mexico border wall.
The Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development also cut forecasts for the global economy to 3.3% in 2019 and 3.4% in 2020, representing a 0.2 percentage point and 0.1 percentage point decrease, respectively.
With this, the Dow Jones Industrial Average fell 0.52% or 133.17 points to 25,673.46. The S&P 500 index slumped 0.65% or 18.20 points to 2,771.45, while the Nasdaq Composite index shed 0.93% or 70.44 points to 7,505.92.
Meanwhile, Southeast Asian stocks edged higher in thin trading on Thursday as investors remained on the sidelines with the return of global growth concerns.
Back home, four sectoral indices ended in positive territory, led by financials which soared 2.63% or 45.59 points to 1,778.36. Holding firms firmed up 0.78% or 61.88 points to 7,910.64; industrials edged higher by 0.77% or 88.90 points to 11,636.30; while mining and oil added 0.17% or 13.98 points to 8,140.68.
In contrast, property dropped 0.5% or 20.22 points to 3,981.97, while services slipped 0.19% or 2.99 points to 1,551.23.
Turnover slimmed to P5.84 billion after some 2.13 billion issues switched hands, from Wednesday’s P6.01 billion.
Advancers beat decliners, 115 to 84, while 47 names ended flat.
Foreign investors remained buyers as they recorded net purchases of P565.24 million, higher than the previous session’s P272.89 million.
“The index inches closer to its significant resistance level at 7,900. Strong foreign flows along with high value turnover may assist the index to break through this tomorrow,” Papa Securities Corp. Sales Associate Gabriel Jose F. Perez said in a separate e-mail. — Arra B. Francia

Bachelet: PHL drug war ‘not a model by any country’

By Camille A. Aguinaldo, Reporter
UNITED NATIONS (UN) High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet flagged the Philippine government’s campaign against illegal drugs on Wednesday, saying that its policies “should not be considered a model by any country.”
The UN official made the statement during the 40th session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, Switzerland, on Mar. 6. Ms. Bachelet, a former political prisoner before she became president of Chile for two terms, cited the Philippines as among the countries over which the UN has an “increasing concern” due to its human rights situation.
“People who have fallen into the trap of drug reliance need help to rebuild their lives; drug policies should not be more of a threat to their lives than the drugs they are abusing. I encourage the Philippines to adopt a public health approach, and harm reduction initiatives that comply with human rights standards,” Ms. Bachelet said.
“The drug policies in place in the Philippines, and its lack of respect for rule of law and international standards, should not be considered a model by any country,” she later added.
Sought for comment, Malacañang said on Thursday that the figures Ms. Bachelet was citing on the number of drug-related deaths at 27,000 was wrong.
“The problem with that statement coming from that UN official is that… she relies on what she receives (as) information coming from the critics and the detractors of the administration. And we have been saying that this information is wrong. Like, for instance, when she claims that there were 27,000 deaths, the official count is only 5,000,” presidential spokesperson Salvador S. Panelo said during a Palace briefing.
Ms. Bachelet also said UN Special Rapporteurs as well as opposition politicians, human rights defenders, and journalists are being threatened in the Philippines.
UN Special Rapporteur on Extra-Judicial Executions Agnes Callamard also urged Philippine authorities to “respond effectively to the repeated denunciations of the situation on the country” following Ms. Bachelet’s statement.
“Such responses should include independent and impartial investigations into the thousands of killings they (Philippine authorities) have themselves attributed to the Philippines Police and Security Forces. The continuing absence of effective investigations amount to separate violations of the right to life,” Ms. Callamard said in her Facebook post on Wednesday.
The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights also raised concerns over the bill seeking to lower the criminal age of responsibility to 12 years old from the present 15. The proposed measure bagged third reading approval in the House of Representatives on Jan. 28, while its counterpart version in the Senate remained pending on second reading.
“I also note that Special Rapporteurs of this Council have been subjected to threats; and opposition politicians, human rights defenders and journalists have been threatened, attacked and jailed. And I am extremely concerned by Congress consideration of measures to reintroduce the death penalty for drug related crimes, and reduce the age of criminal responsibility from 15, to 12 — or even 9 — years old,” Ms. Bachelet said.
The UN Human Rights Council opened its 40th session on Feb. 25. The Council is expected to review over 120 reports presented by human rights groups and experts and to take action on decisions and resolutions before it concludes session on Mar. 22.

Mahathir, Duterte vow cooperation on Mindanao

By Arjay L. Balinbin Reporter
MALAYSIAN PRIME Minister Mahathir Mohammad, who was in Manila on an official visit on Thursday, March 7, vowed the Malaysian government will help in the development of Mindanao, noting the area’s economic potential following the establishment of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (BARMM).
In a joint press statement that he delivered at the Palace on Thursday afternoon together with his Philippine President Rodrigo R. Duterte, Mr. Mahathir said, “We discussed a wide range of issues on bilateral relations between Malaysia and the Philippines as well as regional and international issues of mutual concern.”
“Given the vast economic potential of this area, I believe with the establishment of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao or BARMM, we have to boost economic ties between both countries. I therefore assured Mr. President of Malaysia’s desire to continue to be of help in the development of Mindanao.”
On trade relations, Mr. Mahathir said he and Mr. Duterte agreed to “encourage private sectors from both countries to explore opportunities of collaboration and venture in new cooperation and investments.”
“One of the main priority areas where cooperation could be exerted is…to enhance connectivity which is vital to promoting economic development,” he said further.
For his part, Mr. Duterte said: “We resolved to ramp up cooperation to address security issues, particularly on terrorism, piracy and transnational crimes, including the fight against the illegal drug trade.”
SABAH CLAIM
Also on Thursday, Malacañang insisted that the Philippines has a claim to the territory of Sabah (North Borneo).
This is in response to Mr. Mahathir’s remarks in an interview with ANC that the Philippines has no claim over the territory. “Well, as far as we’re concerned, there is no claim,” he said.
He also said the matter would not be tackled during his bilateral meeting with Mr. Duterte. “We will not discuss that,” he said.
Sought for comment during a Palace briefing, Presidential Spokesperson Salvador S. Panelo said: “That’s the position of Malaysia.”
“The position of the President,…meron tayong claim (we have a claim). Totoo namang may claim tayo, diba (It is true that we have a claim [to Sabah], right)? That has been the bone of contention ever since….” Mr. Panelo said.
Asked if the issue was part of the agenda of the two leaders’ meeting at the Palace, Mr. Panelo said: “It’s not on the agenda as far as I know.”
Mr. Duterte, before he assumed office in June 2016, vowed that he would pursue the country’s claim to Sabah. However, he has been keeping mum on the matter.
A report by the late journalist and lawyer Napoleon G. Rama of the Philippines Free Press on Dec. 30, 1961, prompted the Philippine government back then, under the administration of President Diosdado P. Macapagal, to pursue the country’s Sabah claim.
The report went back in history to recount the Sultanate of Brunei’s ceding Borneo to the Sultanate of Sulu in 1850 following the latter’s assistance in quelling a rebellion in Brunei.
Mr. Rama also said that in 1878, the “Sultan of Sulu entered into an agreement with Alfred Dent and Baron von Overbeck, two adventurers who pioneered in colonizing and carpet-bagging in the southern island. The British say the agreement ceded North Borneo in perpetuity. The heirs of the Sultan of Sulu say it was merely a lease contract calling for a yearly rental of $5,000.”
“The British copy of the contract in question holds that North Borneo was ‘ceded in perpetuity.’ The heirs of the Sultan of Sulu swear that there was no such giveaway condition in the original contract. The British copy, they say, was a spurious document — a forgery,” the report said.
The Philippines’ claim over Sabah became a contentious issue as late as 2013 when heirs of the Sulu Sultanate led a standoff in the territory.

AMLC reports hike in frozen drug-related assets to P1.4 billion

By Carmencita A. Carillo, Correspondent
DAVAO CITY — The Anti Money Laundering Council (AMLC) has frozen a total of P1.4 billion in illegal drug-related assets from 2017-2018, almost four times the P365 million held from 2013 to 2016.
AMLC Executive Director Mel Georgie B. Racela, speaking during the first Rehabinasyon National Anti-Drugs Summit held in the city last month, said the frozen assets value is equivalent to about P13 billion worth of illegal drugs taken out of the market.
A risk assessment conducted by AMLC in 2017 showed that the Philippines was used as a transshipment point for the proliferation of illegal drugs due to its strategic location and porous shorelines.
“Syndicates continue to innovate strategies to transport illegal drugs which ultimately goes to the streets; the use of financial institutions and products to move proceeds of illegal drugs was also apparent,” Mr. Racela said.
However, he added, the total assets subject to free order is just a number if not compared to the magnitude of the drug trade.
“If we have gotten rid of all laboratories in the country that means they will be importing two metric tons per month of drugs to meet the demand,” he said.
Multiply that with the selling price of P7,000 per gram of shabu (methamphetamine) and that would be worth P162 billion of annual gross revenues for drugs, he added.
A survey by the Dangerous Drugs Board showed an estimated 1.8 million drug users in 2015. In 2017 to 2018, there were 1.6 million drug surrenderers, 175,000 arrested, and 5,000 killed.
Mr. Racela said their job is to conduct financial investigations on cases referred to AMLC. Once the freeze order is filed, the Court of Appeals needs to act on it within 24 hours which means it has to issue the freeze order to include all covered institutions including banks, he explained.
“Upon issuance of freeze orders, banks should file a return, and should conduct an investigation within their branches and identify covered individuals identified by AMLC to be engaged in laundering or transacting proceeds of unlawful activities and freeze their assets,” he said.
A memorandum of agreement (MOA) was signed between the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA) and the AMLC on March 5 to strengthen coordination and exchange of information, including studies and researches on current and emerging trends in money laundering and financing for terrorism.
PDEA Director General Aaron N. Aquino referred to laundered drug money as those coming from the trafficking of illegal drugs and also financial terrorism.
NEDA Undersecretary Rosemarie G. Edillon, meanwhile, said illegal drug use also affects national productivity.
“Using very conservative assumptions, let’s say one million drug dependents who had less labor productivity because of drugs, if these efforts were devoted to productive activity, the (country’s) growth would have been 6.5% in 2018 instead of just 6.2%,” Ms. Edillon said at the forum.
In an interview with BusinessWorld, Ramon Cualoping III, assistant secretary of the Presidential Communications Operations Office, said “what AMLC and NEDA are saying is that if the entire economy is worth P17 trillion, 6% of that is lost due to drugs.”
Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) Davao del Norte Provincial Director Romeo L. Castañaga, for his part, said, “The illegal drug trade may not directly affect a particular industry but it is clearly a threat to human capital as it destroys the victim’s capacity to be productive in society.”
To support the whole-of-nation approach to achieve a drug-free Philippines, DTI launched the “Aid Campaign” that provides business support to former drug dependents as part of the reintegration process.
Under the whole-of-nation approach, 42 government agencies along with civil society and the church will coordinate to help address drug addiction in the country.
Mr. Cualoping said, “The drug addiction problem is not solitary, it is familial, it is communal, and it is an economic problem.”
While police enforcement is ongoing, 90% of anti-drug campaign efforts now are on rehabilitation and reintegration, he added.
There are currently 15 drug rehabilitation centers under the Department of Health nationwide, but the bulk of rehabilitation happens at the community level with the Barangay Anti-Drug Abuse Council (BADAC) under the Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG).
“There are also rehabilitation centers run by former drug dependents, which is good because they understand the problem and they can empathize and we have many success stories there,” Mr. Cualoping said.

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