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8,000 seedlings up for grabs in 4 NCR cities on Arbor Day

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THE FIELD offices of the Department of Environment and National Resources (DENR) in Metro Manila will open four community “PanTrees” to distribute free seedlings of fruit-bearing trees and vegetables in celebration of Philippine Arbor Day on June 25.

DENR National Capital Region (NCR) Executive Director Jacqueline A. Caancan told BusinessWorld in phone call on Thursday that a total of 8,000 seedlings are up for distribution across the four sites from 9 a.m. to 12 noon.

These will be located in the following covered basketball courts: Barangay Lower Bicutan, Taguig; Barangay 863, Pandacan in Manila; Barangay UP Campus, Quezon City; and Barangay Marikina Heights, Marikina.

On Arbor Day, government agencies and the public are encouraged to participate in tree planting activities.

“The roll-out of the PanTrees will be simultaneous, then we’ll take it from there on what the public’s response will be. And then we’ll line up the barangays (that the panTREES will visit),” she said.

Earlier this week, the DENR brought its mobile community PanTree project to Barangay 163 in Caloocan City where residents were able to receive free seedlings of guyabano, mango, jackfruit, among other fruits and vegetables.

In April, the DENR-NCR began a community PanTree at its headquarters in Quezon City with the goal of promoting urban and backyard gardening, while helping residents cope with quarantine fatigue and other mental health issues associated with the global health emergency. — Angelica Y. Yang

Call for probe on DepEd’s laptop procurement ‘premature and unfair’ — DBM 

THE PROCUREMENT Service of the Department of Budget and Management (PS-DBM) said the call of a lawmaker to investigate the procurement of 39,000 laptops for public school teachers is “premature and grossly unfair” because the bidding process is still ongoing.   

“The bidding process is ongoing and no contract has been awarded. Thus, Rep. (Bernadette) Herrera-Dy’s call for a Congress probe is not only premature but grossly unfair. By prejudging the bidder selection process, she is in fact, trying to influence the final outcome of the PS-DBM’s procurement decision,” the agency said in a statement.   

PS-DBM said it cannot release further information about the bidding since this is prohibited under existing procurement rules.  

Ms. Dy on Wednesday called on the lower chamber to look into what she tagged as a “questionable” procurement by the Department of Education (DepEd) of the laptops.  

She claimed that the contract will likely be secured by the second-lowest bidder at P2.3 billion, higher than another party’s offer of P167 million. 

PS-DBM said existing rules provide that government projects should be awarded to bidders with the lowest calculated responsive bid (LCRB), and not necessarily to the lowest bidder. 

“The LCRB is defined by law as the lowest bid from a technically, legally, and financially capable supplier that is compliant with all the technical specifications as required and stated on the bidding documents,” it said.  

“In light of these misinformed claims and allegation, PS-DBM urges Rep. Herrera-Dy to refrain from making premature remarks and to be enlightened of the procurement process.” — Beatrice M. Laforga 

Hontiveros plans to seek reelection in 2022

SENATE.GOV.PH

SENATOR RISA N. Hontiveros-Baraquel on Thursday said she is eyeing to run for reelection in 2022.

In an online briefing, Ms. Baraquel said she will make a bid for another term as legislator when asked by reporters.

“But there will be time to share more about that with you kasi nga may iniintay tayong anunsyo ng isang kapwa pamilya natin (because we are still waiting for announcements from our fellow political family),” she said.

Ms. Baraquel, national chairperson of Akbayan party, said the party is also preparing for possible alliances.

“For now, it’s early stages also, like most, there are a lot of discussions on alliances,” she said in a mix of Filipino and English.

She added that her party supports the call to form unity among Filipinos. — Vann Marlo M. Villegas

Social, work interactions cited for COVID-19 surge in Davao City

DAVAO CIO

SOCIAL GATHERINGS and work-related interactions among those 24 to 40 years old, described as “high risk behaviors” by Davao City’s coronavirus task force, were cited as the main cause of the recent surge in local transmissions.

“We all know millennials, these are the population with high-risk behaviors. This is the age group that love to socialize, have get-together in social gatherings. Since they are also part of the working group, they go out to socialize and interact. They are likely highly to get infected,” Michelle B. Schlosser, task force spokesperson, said partly in Filipino in a statement from the city government.

As of June 19, the city recorded 21,453 coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) cases, 62% of which or 13,394 belong to the 20-49 age group, according to City Health Office acting head Ashley G. Lopez.

Broken down further into specific age brackets, Mr. Lopez said the 20-29 group accounted for the highest number of COVID-19 cases at 5,721, followed by the 30-39 group with 4,584.

Ms. Schlosser said the recovery rate is high among millennials and many are asymptomatic.

The city is currently under the second strictest quarantine level and social gatherings, including home visits, are prohibited.

Earlier this week, Mayor Sara Duterte-Carpio said the city government is looking at setting up an additional 250 isolation beds as well as preparing medical care kits for asymptomatic and mild patients who can do home-isolation and guided through telemedicine.

The city currently has 2,408 beds dedicated to COVID-19 patients, with 873 still available as of June 21.

“We are working on four more (isolation facilities). The biggest one is the one at the Department of Public Works and Highways but we are not optimistic about it since it still needs a lot of work before it can be used. So, we have three (others) that we are readying and we know will be utilized soon,” Ms. Carpio said over the local government-run radio. — MSJ

Angat Dam water level drops, but seen to recover with rains by July

PHILSTAR

THE WATER level of Angat Dam is still enough and expected to improve with rain in the coming months despite approaching its minimum operating level on Thursday, according to the National Water Resources Board (NWRB).

NWRB Executive Director Sevillo D. David, Jr. estimated that Angat Dam in Bulacan, the primary water source of Metro Manila, will increase its water level by the end of July based on the rainfall projections of state weather agency PAGASA.

“The dam’s water level will recover in the coming months since we are expecting rain to arrive. Also, PAGASA projected that rainfall for this year is normal,” Mr. David said in a radio interview on Thursday.   

As of Thursday morning, PAGASA data showed that the water level of Angat Dam was at 187.63 meters, down 21 centimeters from 187.84 meters the previous day.   

The dam’s minimum operating level is 180 meters.   

“Despite PAGASA’s announcement that the rainy season has already started, the rainfall being experienced does not have an effect yet on Angat Dam since the rain does not reach the mountains. But once rainstorms arrive in July and August, the dam’s water level is estimated to recover,” Mr. David said.

Mr. David confirmed in a separate mobile phone message to BusinessWorld that the current water allocation for Metro Manila is at 48 cubic meters per second (cms) while water allocation for irrigation is at 15 cms.   

Sought for comment, both representatives of Manila Water Co., Inc. and Maynilad Water Services, Inc. said the water supply situation remains normal in their respective concession areas.    

Manila Water provides water for the east zone of Metro Manila while Maynilad supplies the west zone.   

“The water supply situation is still normal since the raw water allocation for the Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System (MWSS) remains at 48 cms per day. And with PAGASA declaring the onset of the rainy season, we expect the rainfall to help replenish water stored in Angat Dam,” Maynilad’s Head of Corporate Communications Jennifer C. Rufo said in a mobile phone message.   

“Supply remains normal in the east zone. We continue to be very aggressive in addressing leaks to reduce water losses and conducts regular preventive maintenance. Nonetheless, we continue to advocate responsible use of water among our consumers,” Manila Water Corporate Strategic Affairs Group Head Nestor Jeric T. Sevilla, Jr. said in a mobile phone message.   

Both water concessionaires also assured that they have contingency measures in place if additional supply will be needed.   

“Contingency and augmentation programs are in place for additional supply. Manila Water can operate its Cardona Water Treatment Plant at full capacity. There are deep wells on standby. The Marikina portable treatment plant is available,” Mr. Sevilla said.   

“Our contingency measures include pressure management, optimization of our treatment plants that get water from Laguna Lake, activation of deep wells, and use of modular treatment plants that will get water from Cavite rivers,” Ms. Rufo said.   

Metro Pacific Investments Corp., which has a majority stake in Maynilad, is one of three Philippine units of Hong Kong-based First Pacific Co. Ltd., the others being Philex Mining Corp. and PLDT, Inc.

Hastings Holdings, Inc., a unit of PLDT Beneficial Trust Fund subsidiary MediaQuest Holdings, Inc., has an interest in BusinessWorld through the Philippine Star Group, which it controls. — Revin Mikhael D. Ochave 

Bill filed for declaration of 2 sites as protected areas

Senator Cynthia A. Villar

SENATOR CYNTHIA A. Villar filed measures to include two more sites — Mount Arayat in Pampanga and Hinakpam Mystical Hills Natural Monument in Negros Oriental — under the National Integrated Protected Areas System (NIPAS).

In a statement on Thursday, Ms. Villar, chair of the committee on environment and natural resources, said Mount Arayat is a “key biodiversity area” with endemic tree species like Arayat Pitogo and other rare flora such as tibig, molave and tumbang.

Hinakpam Mystical Hills Natural Monument, meanwhile, has unique biological features like geologic formation of karstic conical hills, caves, sinkholes and valleys.

There are currently 107 declared protected areas under Republic Act No. 7586 or the Expanded NIPAS Act of 2018, the senator said.

The law mandates the protection of “ecologically rich, unique and biologically important areas that are habitats of threatened species of plants and animals, biographic zones and related ecosystem, whether terrestrial, wetland or marine.”

Ms. Villar earlier filed five other bills to include more protected areas under the system. — Vann Marlo M. Villegas

Red tide warning lifted in parts of Western Samar, Leyte 

THE BUREAU of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (BFAR) declared parts of Western Samar and Leyte free from red tide contamination based on the latest test results.   

BFAR said in its 18th shellfish bulletin that red tide warnings are lifted in Zumarraga, San Pedro Bay, Maqueda Bay, and Villareal Bay in Western Samar, and Carigara Bay and Ormoc Bay in Leyte.   

On the other hand, areas still positive for red tide include Dauis and Tagbilaran City in Bohol; Tambobo Bay in Negros Oriental; and Daram Island, Cambatutay Bay, and Irong-irong Bay in Western Samar.

Other areas affected by red tide are Calubian and Cancabato Bay in Leyte; Murcielagos Bay in Zamboanga del Norte; Balite Bay in Davao Oriental; and Lianga Bay and Bislig Bay in Surigao del Sur.   

All types of shellfish and Acetes sp. or alamang sourced in areas with red tide warnings are unsafe for human consumption. Other marine species harvested in the contaminated waters can still be eaten with proper handling.

Red tide happens due to high concentrations of algae in the water. Human consumption of contaminated shellfish may result in paralytic shellfish poisoning, which affects the nervous system.

Usual indications of paralytic shellfish poisoning are headaches, dizziness, and nausea. Severe cases may also cause muscular paralysis and respiratory problems. — Revin Mikhael D. Ochave 

A brave face

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There was some convergence between market expectations of steady monetary policy on the part of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) and its two recent pronouncements.

Before the weekend, BSP Governor Ben Diokno was quoted saying “the BSP will continue to focus on keeping its monetary policy stance supportive of the government’s initiatives to address the effects of the pandemic, for as long as necessary, until the economic recovery gets underway.” This is a fair comment considering that the US Federal Reserve Board issued some forward guidance that it could accommodate its current policy settings until 2023. This will also help the BSP keep domestic liquidity in dizzying quantity amounting to P2.2 trillion or 12% of GDP.

Two days ago, the BSP was again reported declaring that “the Fed rate hikes are seven quarters away. The Philippine government should continue with its game-changing Build, Build, Build program and its structural reforms pending in Congress.” The monetary authorities discount the possible threat of an early monetary normalization in the US.

The BSP therefore believes that the required interest rate adjustment could wait. After all, the Philippine macroeconomy has sound fundamentals and a “Fed rate hike in 2023 is less of a threat to the Philippine economy compared to other developing and emerging economies.”

The BSP could not have put on a braver face.

Market analysts, being generally backward-looking, took the hint and 14 out of 16 analysts polled projected the BSP would keep its policy rate steady. One outlier indicated a possible easing by 25 basis points even as the current policy rate is already below the 4.4% actual average inflation rate for the first five months.

The other outlier expected tightening by 25 basis points. As if a rebuke, one among the herd issued an incredible warning that “a calibration of rate settings at this point would derail the very fragile recovery and only delay the economy’s bounce back.” He must have an incurable faith in the signaling effect of a thin slice of a rate adjustment.

But some research outfits would rather place the year of normalization in the US as early as next year. Fitch Solutions Country Risk and Industry Research, for instance, expects the Monetary Board to be more preemptive by jacking up interest rate by as much as 50 basis points next year. Fitch believes in the possible recovery of the Philippine economy next year and unless some compensatory increases in its policy rate are done, the BSP might see some insipient depreciation pressures against the peso. But it is also seeing signs of pandemic resurgence due to the sluggish rollout of the vaccines. From a forecasting standpoint, it makes sense to be more conservative and assume that risks would appear earlier than would normally be expected.

If we are to give credence to the latest pronouncement of US Fed Chairman Jerome Powell, his hint of a future monetary policy stance is actually ambiguous. Bloomberg reported him saying, “the price increases seen in the economy recently are bigger than expected but reiterated that they will likely wane.”

The large size should call for a more progressive and preemptive move, but the short duration calls for a steady hand.

Local market analysts should be more careful in appreciating Powell. He covered his tracks by acknowledging the uncertainty around the view that the price pressure accompanying economic recovery could be short-lived. The Fed Chairman was also quick to say “they may turn out to be more persistent than we expected.” This means those large inflationary pressures might not be transitory. The flip side is that the US, after successfully overcoming the pandemic challenge, could already open up international travel and the macroeconomy. US economic recovery could be stronger than originally believed.

What seems to be the emerging view on the timing of policy rate normalization?

Fed officials seem to be divided.

US Fed quarterly projections show 13 of 18 officials were in favor of at least one rate increase by end-2023 versus seven in March. This is exactly the inclination of the BSP and most market analysts. However, some 11 officials place the tightening twice before the end of 2023. But one should not dismiss the view of seven members seeing some normalization as early as next year. But the prospective US Fed action is only one of the balls in the air.

President Biden’s decisive approach to pandemic management might just be the tipping point. The American Rescue Plan allocated $1.844 trillion or 8.8% of GDP, focused on providing public health response and time-bound assistance to families, communities and businesses. Unemployment benefits have been extended, direct aid supported local governments and funded school reopening. Various facilities were also introduced to support credit flow to key business sectors.

With confidence in the US economy seemingly restored, and the vaccines rolled out in a big way, the recovery in the world’s biggest economy should be forthcoming.

We believe this is the upside risk to inflation pressure both in size and duration. This could also be the US Fed’s uncertainty surrounding their forecasts.

The wild card is China. CNBC recently reported that authorities in the southern Chinese province of Guangdong launched massive testing and tracing for those possibly infected with the latest Delta COVID-19 variant. Guangdong is the most populous province of China.

Chinese authorities immediately locked down certain parts of the provincial capital of Guangzhou, 24-hour checkpoints were set up. In 10 days from the last week of May, 16 million tests were completed and the needs of the areas quarantined were reportedly served by China’s driverless cars under various umbrellas like WeRide and Pony.ai.

China is a wild card of sort because the imposition of a lockdown could affect industrial production and global transport. While the cases pale in comparison against past records in China and in the world, Guangzhou is an industrial city. In Shenzhen, they host one of China’s busiest container ports, the Yantian International Container Terminal. On top of that, the Shenzhen International Airport was closed and a large number of flights were cancelled. Normalization is expected only by the end of June.

While China faced 2021 from a position of strength, as shown in the last Article IV consultation with China, the challenge of uneven and imbalanced growth process could not be ignored. Private demand is yet to fully recover as the economy has been reliant mainly on public support.

If both the US and China steam ahead, and Japan continues to be driven by fiscal stimulus at home and abroad, the stage is set for a stronger global economic recovery. Europe itself appears on the way to stronger growth. The European Commission issued its spring forecast for a 4.2% expansion this year and 4.4% next year.

These writings on the walls are supported by the ability to manage the health pandemic by sustained observance of health protocols and massive administration of vaccines across age groups and localities.

This prospect is also consistent with the latest forecasts of the IMF’s World Economic Outlook for the global economy. For 2021 and 2022, growth forecasts are 6% and 4.4%, respectively, which are both marginally higher than the previous forecasts in October 2020.

Unfortunately, the IMF downgraded the Philippines real GDP projection from 6.9% to only 5.4%, lower than the official target of 6-7% in 2021.

It should not be difficult for the Monetary Board to decide. It has been capable of abstracting from all possible scenarios in hundreds of pages of facts. Like Powell, the Monetary Board could always say there are substantial uncertainties surrounding the forecasts, the global economy continues to recover from both the pandemic and the deep recession, price pressures are mounting but the duration is yet to be ascertained.

All up, it is best to wait for more data and with lower growth prospect, keep the policy rate steady. But saying the US Fed rate hike is not a threat to the Philippines is really putting on a brave face. Sooner or later, it will push the monetary lever at home, to the direction of normalization.

Time will find us out.

 

Diwa C. Guinigundo is the former Deputy Governor for the Monetary and Economics Sector, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP). He served the BSP for 41 years. In 2001-2003, he was Alternate Executive Director at the International Monetary Fund in Washington, DC. He is the senior pastor of the Fullness of Christ International Ministries in Mandaluyong.

Intimations of accountability

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MACROVECTOR_OFFICIAL-FREEPIK

The thousands of wives widowed and the children orphaned by the extrajudicial killings (EJKs) the Duterte police unleashed in the course of the regime’s war on the poor in the guise of a “war on drugs” have long awaited the decision of International Criminal Court (ICC) Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda to request the ICC’s Pretrial Chamber (PTC) to authorize her “to proceed with an investigation” into the killings. But it is only one more stage in a process that could take years to complete. Bensouda’s preliminary investigation into “the [human rights] situation in the Philippines” itself took more than two years to conclude.

Nothing can compensate for the loss of a husband, a father, and in some instances even a wife, a mother, and a child — or for that matter, for the years of want and deprivation inflicted by the sudden demise of a family breadwinner. Mostly unremarked except in studies by such institutions as the University of the Philippines is the humanitarian crisis that afflicts those left behind by the heads of families who, alleged to be either drug addicts or drug pushers, were systematically gunned down on the strength of what the police understood to be the orders of President Rodrigo Duterte to “kill, kill, kill.”

Some of the victims’ families have nevertheless expressed the hope that justice may eventually be served their departed ones, many of whom were killed in their homes, while asleep, or begging for their lives to be spared. In at least one case, a 17-year-old boy was made to run after being beaten by the police and was then shot to death.

Coming as the Bensouda decision did on practically the eve of the 2022 elections, neither the Duterte regime nor the pro-democracy opposition groups can afford to ignore its possible impact on the results of that exercise. Hence the call from the latter for the regime to cooperate with the ICC if it indeed has nothing to hide, and Mr. Duterte and company are not guilty of crimes against humanity.

For the Duterte camp, however, winning next year’s elections has become even more urgent. It would give them at least six more years in power, during which they could ride out whatever will be the results of the ICC investigation and their possible prosecution. Mr. Duterte and his police and other enforcers could then, they hope, live their remaining years uncaged rather than behind bars.

As expected, the Duterte regime has belittled the Bensouda announcement as of no particular concern, declared that it will not cooperate with any PTC investigation, and even claimed that the preliminary investigation was based on hearsay. Reiterating his earlier argument two years ago, Mr. Duterte’s spokesperson, who brought the libel conviction of broadcaster Alex Adonis to the United Nations Human Rights Committee in 2011 on the justification that the justice system is broken, claimed that no international body has to intervene in the Philippines because that system is working.

As if to prove that rather specious claim true, in anticipation of the Bensouda announcement, and despite the Palace declaration of non-cooperation, Philippine National Police (PNP) Chief Guillermo Eleazar had earlier announced that the PNP would open “drug war” files to the scrutiny of the Department of Justice’s (DoJ) ongoing investigation. But because of Palace “concerns,” the PNP has limited what it will make available to the DoJ only 61 case records in which the PNP itself found some police officers liable for prosecution.

Sixty-one is a mere drop in the bucket of thousands of EJK cases (some estimates put the number at over 30,000), but their being made available at all suggests that, despite the regime’s bombast, it cannot entirely ignore the ICC decision and the growing pressure from international human rights and libertarian groups. Those responsible must surely be, at the very least, somewhat concerned that sooner or later they will be held to account for their role in the killings for which they could be indicted and tried for crimes against humanity.

It is crucial that that happens, though neither for revenge nor for the exquisite pleasure of seeing some of the most brazenly inhuman creatures to ever walk the corridors of power in this country get their comeuppance. It is for the sake of ending the use of deadly force as the “solution” to every problem or issue that has not only taken deep roots in Philippine officialdom over the last five years. As the regime trolls and its media hirelings applaud its use against those who dare disapprove of what government is doing, it has also further enshrined violence in Philippine society as a legitimate option in addressing such minor squabbles as domestic spats and traffic disputes.

The use of unaccountable State violence has always been at issue in these isles of fear. But never has it been as widespread and as openly sanctioned than today. During past administrations except that of Ferdinand Marcos’, there was at least enough lip service paid to respect for human rights and the rule of law for the police and military to think twice before killing a crime suspect — or a political activist, a human rights defender, or regime critic. Although abuses did happen even then, they were often condemned even by government spokespersons. No President ever disparaged human rights and its defenders either.

Unlike those times, the past five years have spread a more lethal contagion than COVID-19: the unbridled and officially sanctioned police and military violence that is poisoning daily life itself. The killings during police anti-drug operations have waned, though still continuing. But the demonstrable effect of Mr. Duterte’s assuring the police of impunity and their quite literally getting away with murder have implanted in the pygmy brains of their dull-witted members the conviction that they can escape prosecution even if they kill for the flimsiest of reasons.

Only two weeks ago a police sergeant shot and killed a woman he was having an argument with, justifying it later by saying she had disrespected him. Another policeman last December also killed a woman and her son during a verbal altercation for the same reason. Both apparently think themselves the masters rather than the servants of the people and are prepared to kill anyone who doesn’t acknowledge it.

Another policeman also killed an autistic 18-year-old boy during a raid on a cockfighting venue. Seven police officers are the suspects in the March 8 ambush and killing of Calbayog City Mayor Ronaldo Aquino. Some have been implicated in the killing of other local officials.

Subjecting policemen to psychological tests or making them wear body cameras as PNP Chief Eleazar has proposed will not be enough to end this orgy of murder and mayhem. What will stop the abuses is the police’s being made to understand that they are not above the law and that they will be penalized for every wrongdoing they commit.

That can happen only if those responsible for encouraging the killings and abetting police impunity are themselves held accountable; and it is through the ICC rather than the broken justice system that that hope could be realized. Only then can the semblance of civilized behavior in government and the rest of Philippine society to which past administrations have claimed allegiance be somewhat restored.

Things have so regressed from bad to worse since 2016 that only such modest expectations of State and society seem likely of realization. But the next few months and the years after may surprise us yet, thanks to the ICC.

 

Luis V. Teodoro is on Facebook and Twitter (@luisteodoro).

www.luisteodoro.com

The pandemic’s end is as messy as the start

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CHINA has now delivered more than 1 billion vaccine doses, hitting that COVID-19 milestone the same weekend that Brazil passed one of its own: more than 500,000 deaths. Daily case numbers remain worryingly high, and those hospitalized and dying include larger numbers of young people. India, meanwhile, is at risk of a third wave of infections sooner than predicted, after a devastating second.

The end of the pandemic is almost here. But the tail is long and — thanks to short-sighted global and national policies — this phase is no more of a “great equalizer” than the start was. Blame uneven access to immunization made worse by vaccine nationalism as rich governments focus on domestic needs. Insufficient state capacity, poor logistics, and distrust and misinformation, often fueled by populist leaders, have left millions behind and widened existing gaps in the global economy. Then there are insular policies in places like Australia or Hong Kong that focus on zero cases, making them reluctant to open up, discouraging vaccination and prolonging the endgame.

We know from past pandemics that the finale was never going to be swift or clear-cut. It’s easy to track the start of the Spanish Flu pandemic in 1918, but far less simple to pinpoint the end, probably after the winter of 1920. Other mass vaccination efforts to combat infectious diseases, say polio, have also taken years — and aren’t yet over. But we don’t have to repeat all the same mistakes.

Granted, the world has come far. Vanquishing COVID-19 is no longer a vague possibility; it’s visible in the distance. Researchers cracked the vaccine puzzle earlier than expected and shots have been distributed in record time, proving effective against even troublesome variants. As my Bloomberg News colleague Todd Gillespie reported this week, some epidemiologists are beginning to consider using hospitalizations, not case numbers, as the primary measure of virus risk.

Yet 18 months on, COVID-19 continues to devastate. The developing world doesn’t have enough shots, too many existing inequities have grown worse, and there’s excess bureaucracy. It’s not just a problem for the poorest: Japan has underperformed in large part because of conservative regulation around new medicines that slowed the vaccine rollout, while restrictions on who can give injections led to a chronic staff shortage. With an aging population and the Olympics now weeks away, the country has fully vaccinated only 7% of residents.

For some nations, vaccines created an opportunity to earn back some much-needed political capital after botching earlier stages of the pandemic. Britain managed, as did the United States thanks to Operation Warp Speed, and most remarkably Israel, helped by a data-rich health system that encouraged Pfizer, Inc. and BioNTech SE to assure supplies — plus deep pockets that allowed the country to pay a premium. That didn’t keep Benjamin Netanyahu in the prime minister’s seat, but it has resulted in getting 57% of the population fully vaccinated.

Others, after handling the pandemic well with effective controls, hung back in the inoculation race but are now sprinting to catch up as new variants threaten. Singapore has become the first Southeast Asian nation to distribute at least one shot to more than half its population. China has fully vaccinated 80% of adults in Beijing and distributed more than 1 billion doses overall, more than a third of the global total, leaning on a tried-and-tested top-down approach with the July 1 centenary of the Communist Party on the horizon.

The trouble is that state capacity, urgency, and ready cash aren’t the norm. That ability to efficiently deliver policies, correct course, and hold the population’s trust has been a big predictor of pandemic-management success, far more than democracy, autocracy, or other measures, as David Skilling of the economic advisory firm Landfall Strategy Group points out. It’s a rare commodity.

Strongmen leaders have been among the worst, too inflexible to bow to science and fact, and loathe to deliver bad news. Russia is one such mess. Despite a pioneering COVID-19 shot, deep-rooted vaccine hesitancy has gotten worse with time, not better. Rather than prioritizing inoculations, officials including President Vladimir Putin — never seen in a mask — signaled all was well. It left the country vulnerable to the Delta variant-fueled third wave now tearing through Moscow, which was forced last week to mandate jabs for service-sector workers. India, too complacent after its first wave ebbed, has paid an even higher price.

The reality of the late stage of this pandemic is, first, that there’s no end to the cycle of surges and lockdowns without vaccinations. There must be a concerted push to get vaccines to the developing world soon — and not by backloading donations, as the Group of Seven nations appeared to do earlier this month. At-risk, jab-hesitant weak spots in the West will need to be tackled. And investment is critically needed in logistics and healthcare structures that can, in everyone’s interest, continue monitoring once the pandemic fades from headlines.

Then, even amid the excitement of reopening, there needs to be a recognition that at home and on a global scale, the pandemic has left the most vulnerable further behind. COVID-19 has accelerated some de-globalization trends, hampering the human mobility that so many states rely upon, and, with lengthy school closures, hurt human capital. It’s fueling a multi-speed global economy, Landfall’s Skilling says, and making it harder to close gaps.

After a pandemic that has touched all corners of the world and killed nearly 4 million people, investing in vaccinations, future generations, and healthcare capacity to ensure we do better next time is a worthy memorial.

BLOOMBERG OPINION

Private equity funds: Why resilience matters

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THE COVID-19 pandemic battered Southeast Asia’s economies in 2020 and sent private equity investors running for cover. Deal value fell 26% year over year and contracted 16% vs. the previous five-year average. In the Philippines, deal value fell 52% year over year and was down 50% over the five-year average. By contrast, private equity investors pushed deal value across the Asia-Pacific region to a record $185 billion, up 19% over 2019, buoyed especially by activity in China — the only country in the Asia-Pacific region to avoid a drop in 2020 GDP.

COVID-19 disruptions and the economic crisis of 2020 sounded a wake-up call for investors. Many general partners discovered in the midst of the pandemic that their portfolios weren’t sufficiently prepared to withstand and recover from sudden shocks. Adding to the dilemma, a decades-long fixation on efficiency has steadily increased risk. And around the world, trade wars, plunging oil prices, and financial crises have hit many companies harder than executives imagined possible.

As decades of relative global stability give way to a new, more turbulent era, leading funds are reviewing their exposure to a range of risks and investing to increase the resilience of their portfolio companies. Bain & Company research shows more than 60% of general partners investing in the Asia-Pacific region say they’re willing to invest at least 5% of a portfolio company’s short-term profit to build long-term resilience.

A few leading companies that were ahead of the trend highlight what a difference resilience can make in coping with external shocks. Indonesia’s PT BFI Finance, one of the country’s largest independent consumer credit companies, weathered the COVID-19 lockdowns better than many of its peers. The reason: A year earlier, the company’s management, backed by investors TPG Capital and Northstar, had embarked on a plan to strengthen the company’s strategic and organizational resilience.

One particularly effective measure improved loan collection by using a call-center collection agency to supplement field collectors’ efforts. These “telecollectors” helped the finance group reach out early to creditors who risked defaulting and, in some cases, avoid nonperforming loans. During the pandemic lockdowns, the remote-collection strategy offered a safe and vital alternative to in-person collection, allowing the company to minimize defaults. Despite widespread economic disruption caused by lockdowns, the group’s nonperforming loans declined during the pandemic. In September 2020, nonperforming loans declined to 2.7% for total financial assets, down from 3.7% in June — and significantly lower than the market average of 5.2%.

Many companies, however, were caught off guard by COVID-19. The majority of general partners we surveyed (58%) say their portfolios proved to be only somewhat resilient or not really resilient during the COVID-19 shock. One-third say they lack the specific tools to assess the resilience of a target. Close to one-third say their portfolio companies are still in the experimental or even earlier stages of building resilience capabilities into their strategy and operations.

By their nature, risks are moving targets, so building resilience requires a long-term effort and focus. But the benefits are significant: Improving a company’s resilience can almost double its chances of survival and improve cost-effectiveness over time. Many business leaders make the mistake of assuming that resilience is all about shoring up the balance sheet. They focus on the risks associated with leverage and liquidity, but ignore other potential sources of fragility.

Successful leadership teams take a holistic view of resilience. That means identifying every kind of external event that can affect the business. They also consider simultaneous events across multiple channels that could compound the extent of a shock. A broader, more encompassing view of both risk and resilience allows leadership teams to make smarter choices about where to invest limited resources to protect the company from future shocks.

In fact, resilience spans five dimensions: strategic, financial, operational, technological, and organizational. Strategic resilience, for example, includes revenue and profit diversification, relative market share, and demand elasticity. Operational resilience includes supplier concentration and redundancy.

Companies may be able to address some risk factors quickly and inexpensively, but an effective approach to building resilience usually requires investment and opportunity cost. The key is striking the right balance between managing risk and value creation. Leaders begin by analyzing their exposure. They determine how much stress the company can absorb and the fund’s willingness to trade off short-term profitability for long-term resilience.

Asia-Pacific general partners cite three areas of portfolio risk that they worry about most: competitive position, balance-sheet risk, and organizational agility. Addressing these risks may require more investment. General partners rate other categories of risk such as portfolio concentration, operational leverage, and cybersecurity as less difficult to tackle.

Resilience is a strategic issue. Investors and senior managers need to be involved, because decisions to build resilience involve difficult choices. Baring Private Equity Asia helped HCP Packaging Group, a global leader in the design and manufacture of cosmetics and skincare, build resilience by backing a plan to add new production sites and diversify its customer base. Those moves made a big difference when the US–China trade war hit global supply chains and when COVID-19 struck.

HCP started investing in 2018 to expand its international manufacturing footprint beyond China and North America, with production acquisitions in France and Germany. When the China–US trade war broke out, HCP quickly shifted part of its China production to other countries. Similarly, as COVID-19 lockdowns began, HCP was able to make the most of its expanded manufacturing footprint and supply chain flexibility, outmaneuvering the competition.

Leading fund managers and executive teams seeking to strengthen resilience make sure they tackle the no-regrets actions first — those with minimal impact on profitability. But they also understand that significantly reducing risk entails investment and opportunity cost. Developing the right level and type of resilience for a portfolio company demands a combination of short-term actions and long-term vision and alignment with the executive team.

 

Usman Akhtar and Alessandro Cannarsi are partners with Bain & Company. They are both based in Singapore.

New troubles for Thai leader amid virus surge, fresh protests

REUTERS
Thailand Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha attends an event in Bangkok, Thailand Nov. 27, 2020. — REUTERS/CHALINEE THIRASUPA/POOL/FILE PHOTO

BANGKOK — A year after the start of student-led protests against Thailand’s military-backed government, Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha is facing growing anger amid a mounting wave of coronavirus infections and a dismal economy.

This time, some of those calling for Mr. Prayuth to step down are his one-time allies.

On Thursday, three separate groups of protesters marched to demand the resignation of Mr. Prayuth, who first came to power in 2014 when, as army chief, he led a military coup against an elected government.

Several political parties in parliament — including two in Prayuth’s ruling coalition — are preparing to try to change the military-drafted constitution that helped keep him in office through elections in 2019, by allowing a junta-appointed Senate to vote for the prime minister.

Assuming the continued support of the military and Thailand’s powerful king, it is likely that the new push to change the political power structures will come to nothing again.

Still, frustration with Mr. Prayuth in particular has grown from last year, when it was mainly students calling for him to go.

“People have to come out now to clean up the dirt in our system,” said political activist Nittitorn Lamlua, who will lead a group of protesters in Bangkok on Thursday.

Mr. Nittitorn, 56, is a veteran of the “Yellow Shirt” movement of mostly royalist conservatives who protested against a succession of elected populist governments, the last of which was ousted when Mr. Prayuth seized power.

Mr. Nittitorn shares few views with the youthful student protesters of last year. In fact, he led a counterprotest to defend the king and the monarchy — seen as sacred institution by many conservative Thais — against the students’ call for curbing the king’s powers.

But Mr. Nittitorn ticks off a list of the prime minister’s faults: mismanagement of the coronavirus and the economy, inadequately defending the monarchy from calls for reform, plus failure to restore true democracy with the 2019 elections.

“My goals are all for nation, religion, monarchy and people and democracy, and it is this government that has pushed me to come out again, through their failures and their mismanagement,” Mr. Nittitorn said.

Government spokesman Anucha Burapachaisri said the government was willing to listen to criticism but the prime minister still had an obligation to run the country during the COVID-19 crisis and would only act in the best interests of the public.

“The government is trying not to be an opponent to any particular groups,” he said.

‘PRAYUTH IS THE PROBLEM’
On the opposite side of Thailand’s political divide to Mr. Nittitorn is Jatuporn Prompan, a former leader of the 2009-2010 populist “Red Shirt” movement supporting exiled former leader Thaksin Shinawatra, who Mr. Nittitorn protested against and who was ousted in a 2006 military coup.

“We see that Prayuth is the problem for the country, and he has to be removed,” Mr. Jatuporn said.

Thailand’s ongoing third wave of coronavirus — which has seen the most cases and deaths, reaching a record 51 deaths on Wednesday — has only fuelled anger.

“The public pressure is palpable, mounting and people want answers,” said Thitinan Pongsudhirak, political scientist at Chulalongkorn University and director of the Institute of Security and International Studies.

Still, he said, with the military and palace still behind Mr. Prayuth, it’s difficult to see how he could be removed.

The 2017 military-written constitution stipulates that the Senate, appointed by Mr. Prayuth’s former junta, votes for prime minister along with the elected House of Representatives, making it nearly impossible to remove him.

This week, parliament is debating amendments to that constitution.

Along with opposition parties, even two members of Mr. Prayuth’s ruling coalition — the Bhumjaithai and Democrat parties — favor changes that would remove the Senate’s right to vote for prime minister. The next general election is due by 2023.

But changes to the constitution also require the Senate’s approval — and there is little chance the appointed body would vote to decrease its own power.

Support for Mr. Prayuth from his pro-army Palang Pracharat Party and the powerful military appeared to be unshaken despite the increasing pressure from elsewhere.

Another sign of trouble for Mr. Prayuth might be if King Maha Vajiralongkorn were to express disapproval of his leadership, though Thitinan says rumors of that have proven untrue.

“There are no signs for me at this time that the palace backing has been withdrawn,” Thitinan said.

“We are kind of stuck with Prayuth indefinitely, until the next election.” — Reuters