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New coaches for College of St. Benilde, Adamson

CHARLES TIU IG PAGE

With the return of collegiate basketball imminent, College of St. Benilde and Adamson University have tapped new coaches to handle the reins in jump-starting their preparations for the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) and University Athletic Association of the Philippines (UAAP), which are both planning to resume face-to-face games early next year.

The Blazers have appointed Charles Tiu to succeed TY Tang in time for the 97th NCAA season that has eyed January as the league opening.

Mr. Tiu’s appointment came a day after Nash Racela, a former Blackwater coach, took over the coaching helm at Adamson where he succeeded Franz Pumaren. The UAAP is seeking to open in February.

Mr. Tiu recently backed out coaching the Nueva Ecija Rice Vanguards in the Chooks-to-Go MPBL to focus on the Meralco Bolts in the Philippine Basketball Association (PBA) where he is an assistant.

PBA MEDIA BUREAU

He did not mind the new job as an added duty.

“I’m happy and excited and honestly didn’t expect it,” said Mr. Tiu.

Mr. Tiu has served as an assistant of Mr. Tang for three years and was familiar with how things were run with the Blazers.

So when Mr. Tang migrated to Canada last September, the Blazers did not look anywhere to get a replacement.

Mr. Tiu said he would have his hands full as he lost two key players to the Maharlika Pilipinas Basketball League (MPBL) — Kendrix Belgica and Justin Gutang. — Joey Villar

 

 

 

 

pba media bureau

 

charles tiu ig page

Major League Baseball locks out players after failing to reach new labor deal

Atlanta Braves first baseman Freddie Freeman (5) hits a solo home runoff of Houston Astros relief pitcher Ryne Stanek (45) during the seventh inning in game six of the 2021 World Series at Minute Maid Park. (Reuters)

Major League Baseball (MLB) locked out its players on Thursday after failing to reach terms on a new collective bargaining agreement (CBA) ahead of a midnight deadline.

The decision halts all player activity as relates to their clubs including free-agent signings, trades and use of team facilities.

“Despite the league’s best efforts to make a deal with the Players Association, we were unable to extend our 26 year-long history of labor peace and come to an agreement with the MLBPA before the current CBA expired,” MLB Commissioner Rob Manfred said.

“Therefore, we have been forced to commence a lockout of Major League players, effective at 12:01 a.m. ET on Dec. 2.”

The lockout marks the first work stoppage in MLB since the players’ strike of 1994-95.

That dispute forced a premature end to the season, delayed the start of the following year’s campaign and turned off fans, with attendances plummeting when play finally resumed.

“The shutdown is a dramatic measure, regardless of the timing,” the players’ association (MLBPA) said.

“It was the owners’ choice, plain and simple, specifically calculated to pressure players into relinquishing rights and benefits and abandoning good faith bargaining proposals.

“These tactics are not new. We have been here before, and players have risen to the occasion time and again — guided by a solidarity that has been forged over generations. We will do so here again.”

Among the main problem areas, media reports said, were owners and players not agreeing on service time toward free agency, playoff expansion, a luxury tax and possible salary floor, and several proposed rule changes.

ESPN reported that the league had offered to remove direct draft-pick compensation and suggested a draft lottery to disincentivize teams from “tanking” to get a higher draft position.

Manfred said MLB had offered to establish a minimum payroll for all clubs, allow the majority of players to reach free agency earlier, and boosting compensation for all young players including increases in the minimum salary.

“When negotiations lacked momentum, we tried to create some by offering to accept the universal designated hitter, to create a new draft system using a lottery similar to other leagues, and to increase the competitive balance tax threshold that affects only a small number of teams,” he added.

“To be clear: this hard but important step does not necessarily mean games will be canceled.”

The 2022 season is not scheduled to begin until March while players are scheduled to report to “Spring Training” in mid-February. — Reuters

Sotto will miss Adelaide 36ers opening game

Kai Sotto will miss the opening game of the Adelaide 36ers in the Australia National Basketball League (NBL) due to an injury, his team announced yesterday.

The 36ers said Mr. Sotto is nursing a knee soreness, making him unavailable for the NBL regular season opener featuring Adelaide and the Perth Wildcats at the RAC Arena today. Game time is at 6:30 p.m. (Manila time).

Emmanuel Malou (knee soreness),  Sunday Dech (quadricep) and Hyrum Harris (border restriction) will be joining Mr. Sotto on the sidelines for the 36ers.

Mr. Sotto’s derailed debut in international pro play came at the heels of his limited action in the NBL Blitz preseason that was ruled by the 36ers last week after a perfect 5-0 record.

The 7-foot-3 Filipino sensation played only one match as a precaution before the regular season, racking up seven points, five boards and one block against the Cairns Taipans. — John Bryan Ulanday

WTA suspends tournaments in China over Peng Shuai concerns

The Women’s Tennis Association (WTA) on Wednesday announced the immediate suspension of all tournaments in China due to concerns about the well-being of former doubles world number one Peng Shuai and the safety of other players.

The US-headquartered tour’s decision to walk away from one of its biggest markets was applauded by many leading figures in the tennis world but could cost the WTA hundreds of millions of dollars in broadcasting and sponsorship revenue.

Peng’s whereabouts became a matter of international concern following a nearly three-week public absence after she posted a message on social media in early November, alleging that China’s former Vice-Premier Zhang Gaoli had sexually assaulted her.

Neither Zhang, who retired in 2018, nor the Chinese government have commented on Peng’s allegation and the topic has been blocked from direct discussion on China’s heavily censored internet.

“I don’t see how I can ask our athletes to compete there when Peng Shuai is not allowed to communicate freely and has seemingly been pressured to contradict her allegation of sexual assault,” WTA chief executive Steve Simon said in a statement.

“Given the current state of affairs, I am also greatly concerned about the risks that all of our players and staff could face if we were to hold events in China in 2022.”

China’s foreign ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment and calls to the organizers of the China Open tournament went unanswered.

The ministry said late last month that “certain people” should stop the “malicious hyping” and “politicization” of the Peng issue.

The decision comes as Beijing is preparing to host the Winter Olympics next February. Global rights groups and others have called for a boycott of the Beijing Olympics over China’s human rights record.

‘SERIOUS DOUBTS’

Peng did appear in mid-November at a dinner with friends and a children’s tennis tournament in Beijing, photographs and videos published by Chinese state media and by the tournament’s organizers showed.

On Nov. 21, IOC President Thomas Bach had a 30-minute video call with Peng, who competed at three Olympics, during which she told him she was safe.

But Simon, who said the decision to suspend tournaments in China had the full support of the WTA Board of Directors, said they were not convinced all was well with Peng.

“While we now know where Peng is, I have serious doubts that she is free, safe, and not subject to censorship, coercion, and intimidation,” said Simon.

“The WTA has been clear on what is needed here, and we repeat our call for a full and transparent investigation — without censorship — into Peng Shuai’s sexual assault accusation.”

Simon said the Peng situation demanded a response.

“If powerful people can suppress the voices of women and sweep allegations of sexual assault under the rug, then the basis on which the WTA was founded — equality for women — would suffer an immense setback. I will not and cannot let that happen,” he added.

‘RIGHT SIDE OF HISTORY’

Tennis great and founder of the WTA Billie Jean King was among those who applauded the announcement.

“The WTA has chosen to be on the right side of history in defending the rights of our players,” King said in a statement. “This is yet another reason why women’s tennis is the leader in women’s sports.”

Martina Navratilova also signaled her support on Twitter, suggesting the IOC “takes note.”

Men’s world number one Novak Djokovic, who recently co-founded a players’ union aiming to represent both male and female professionals, also backed the move.

“I support fully WTA’s stance because we don’t have enough information about Shuai Peng and her well-being,” the Serbian said after a Davis Cup tie in Madrid. “It’s life of a tennis player that is in question here, so we, as the tennis community, need to stand together.” The United States Tennis Association commended the WTA. “This type of leadership is courageous and what is needed to ensure the rights of all individuals are protected and all voices are heard,” the body said in a statement. The International Tennis Federation (ITF) and men’s Association of Tennis Professionals (ATP) did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

China’s ambassador to Cuba, Ma Hui, responded on Twitter with a single word.

“Posturing?” he wrote.

AGGRESSIVE EXPANSION

Simon had previously said the WTA would shut down its operations in China if it was not satisfied with the response to the allegations.

The WTA began an aggressive expansion into China on the eve of the 2008 Beijing Olympics and local interest in the sport was fueled by Li Na winning the 2011 French Open.

China hosted just two WTA events in 2008 but 11 years later was staging nine, including the WTA Tour finals which were secured in a 10-year deal by the city of Shenzhen in 2018.

In 2015, the WTA announced a 10-year digital rights deal with Chinese streaming platform iQiyi reportedly worth $120 million.

The pandemic forced the cancelation of all but one of the WTA events in China in 2020 and 2021, including this year’s Tour Finals which were moved to Mexico.

The 2022 tour calendar has not yet been published.

“Unless China takes the steps we have asked for, we cannot put our players and staff at risk by holding events in China,” Simon said on Wednesday.

“China’s leaders have left the WTA with no choice. I remain hopeful that our pleas will be heard and the Chinese authorities will take steps to legitimately address this issue.” — Reuters

MLB standoff

It took all of seven minutes for the two sides to leave the negotiating table. In hindsight, the meeting at the Four Seasons Dallas at Las Colinas in Texas yesterday was a formality; clearly, both Major League Baseball and the players union figured on sticking to their demands. Never mind that the existing collective bargaining agreement ends today, and that the league is expected to thereafter declare a lockout. Barring an unforeseen positive turn to the talks, the projected development has the pro scene facing its first work stoppage since the August 1994 strike.

If there’s any silver lining to the impasse, it’s that the MLB has some time to get its act straight. The three months separating the holidays from the start of the 2022 season may well spur quarters to keep an open mind in regard to supposedly nonnegotiable issues. Regardless of perspective, these concerns do matter, and need to be threshed out. That said, hardline positions wind up hurting everybody — even the sport itself, which has yet to recover from the pandemic and remains in dire need of a more fan-friendly image.

To be sure, those who pay tickets and go through turnstiles to see the games don’t care about the financials of a system seemingly capable of spreading the wealth, the negative effects of health protocols on economic activity at the consumer level notwithstanding. Not that the players aren’t right to push for increased pay and mobility during their primes, or that owners can’t be praised for refraining from entertaining the prospect of a hard salary cap as a bargaining chip. Bottom line, fans don’t care for the inner workings of the sport; they just like to see the action, free from politics.

How the standoff will be resolved is anybody’s guess. The best-case scenario has both sides reaching a compromise as early as possible, and in the next couple of months. Else, the lockout will eat into spring training, with lost revenues from games that should have gone on entering the equation. Which is too bad, because good intentions abound. The only problem is where enough of them can be found to compel all and sundry to look at the forest instead of the trees.

 

Anthony L. Cuaycong has been writing Courtside since BusinessWorld introduced a Sports section in 1994. He is a consultant on strategic planning, operations and Human Resources management, corporate communications, and business development.

Liverpool wins derby as top trio breaks clear in title race

Liverpool won the Merseyside derby with a 4-1 victory at Everton on Wednesday while Premier League leader Chelsea fought for a 2-1 win at Watford and Manchester City enjoyed a 2-1 victory at Aston Villa.

With fourth-placed West Ham held to a 1-1 draw at Brighton, they are now seven points behind third-placed Liverpool who, along with Chelsea and Manchester City, look set for a three-horse race for the title.

After 14 games, Chelsea lead on 33 points with City a point behind and Liverpool on 31.

Jürgen Klopp’s side got four goals at the home of their neighbours for the first time since 1982, with Mohamed Salah scoring twice to maintain his electric form.

Jordan Henderson put Liverpool in front with a magnificent curling shot in the ninth minute before setting up Salah for the second.

It was one-way traffic and Everton, led by former Liverpool manager Rafael Benitez, looked at real risk of an embarrassing scoreline.

Demarai Gray pulled back a goal before the interval to give a restless home crowd some hope before a mistake by Seamus Coleman allowed Salah in on goal to make it 3-1 and then Diogo Jota produced a brilliant turn before blasting past Jordan Pickford to complete the rout.

“I liked what I saw and it was by far the best performance we’ve done at Goodison,” said Klopp.

“We made a big step in our development that we can take these kind of games, even though they are really important for the opponent. We can put emotions to the side. It was for sure a nine-out-of-10 performance from each of the boys,” added the German.

ZIYECH HITS WINNER FOR CHELSEA

After recent draws against Burnley and Manchester United, Chelsea could ill afford to drop points at Watford but manager Thomas Tuchel conceded they were fortunate to collect all three from Vicarage Road.

The visitors took the lead when Mason Mount coolly converted after a well-worked move in the 29th minute.

Watford deservedly leveled before the break through Nigerian Emmanuel Dennis only for substitute Hakim Ziyech to strike the winner 12 minutes later with the outstanding Mount the creator.

“We need a lot of points if we want to stay in the title race. We felt like we lost two points against Burnley and Manchester United. We stole minimum two, maybe three back today,” said Tuchel.

“Overall, we can do much better. There are some reasons — we have injured players and some key players due to overload were not on the pitch. I don’t want to be too critical. Watford deserved more,” he added.

Outstanding first-half goals from Ruben Dias and Bernardo Silva set Manchester City on their way to victory at Steven Gerrard’s Aston Villa.

Portugal center-half Dias blasted home from more than 20 meters after Raheem Sterling’s cutback flashed across the penalty area.

Silva doubled their advantage with a breathtaking effort in the 43rd, volleying superbly past Martinez from 15 meters after City broke away from their own penalty area with Riyad Mahrez releasing Gabriel Jesus on the right flank.

Ollie Watkins got Villa back into the game but City collected their fourth league win in a row.

“We came here against an incredible team with quality and top players and the way we played in the first half and even the second was magnificent,” said City manager Pep Guardiola.

“We conceded in the first minute of the second and it’s so difficult but we played with huge personality, a really good game,” he said.

An 89th-minute overhead kick from Neal Maupay frustrated West Ham at Brighton after the Londoners had taken an early lead through Czech midfielder Tomas Soucek’s header.

Leicester City had to come from behind twice to get a 2-2 draw at Southampton with James Maddison’s 49th-minute strike earning Brendan Rodgers’s side a point that leaves the Foxes in eighth place.

Sixth placed Wolverhampton Wanderers were frustrated in a 0-0 draw at home to 18th-placed Burnley who have drawn five of their last seven games. — Reuters

Bucks storm back from 18-point deficit to defeat Hornets

The Milwaukee Bucks battled back from an 18-point deficit and Giannis Antetokounmpo scored a go-ahead layup with two seconds left in regulation to beat the visiting Charlotte Hornets (127-125) on Monday night to earn their eighth straight win.

Milwaukee outscored the Hornets (67-57) in the second half to complete the comeback after not holding a lead through nearly 34 minutes of action. Miles Bridges threw up a heave at the buzzer, but it did not fall, handing the Bucks their sixth consecutive victory at home.

Antetokounmpo racked up 40 points, 12 rebounds and nine assists on 15-of-24 shooting to post his 13th double-double of the season. Khris Middleton added 21 points, Grayson Allen had 16 and reserves Pat Connaughton and George Hill each had 11. All five starters scored in double figures.

LaMelo Ball tallied a career-high 36 points to go along with nine assists and five rebounds. Reserve Kelly Oubre, Jr. finished with 25 points on 9-of-14 shooting and cashed in on five of nine shots from behind the arc. Bridges notched 22 points and nine rebounds, and Gordon Hayward recorded 18 points and five assists.

Although they shot 49.4% from the field and 41.2% from deep, Charlotte allowed over 114 points for the fourth straight game as the Hornets dropped their third consecutive contest.

Milwaukee heated up from long range following half time, going 8-for-16 (50.0%) from distance to erase Charlotte’s lead.

The Bucks chipped away before half time, thanks in part to a 10-0 run early in the second quarter that was headlined by a pair of threes from Allen. Oubre’s 20 first-half points prevented Milwaukee from taking a lead, and the Hornets went into the break with an eight-point edge.

Charlotte got off to a blistering start, opening the game on an 11-1 run and hitting 10 of its first 17 (58.8%) 3-point attempts. Despite 12 first-quarter points from Antetokounmpo, the Hornets were still able to build a 41-25 lead by the end of the frame. — Reuters

Ziyech winner at Watford keeps Chelsea top

WATFORD, England — Chelsea underlined the old adage that title contenders can win when playing poorly as Hakim Ziyech came off the bench to secure a 2-1 victory at Watford to keep them top of the Premier League on Wednesday.

Thomas Tuchel’s side were far from their efficient best at Vicarage Road but had enough attacking quality to emerge with three points and stay ahead of Manchester City and Liverpool.

Not that Tuchel took a great deal of satisfaction from the result — the German not holding back in his assessment.

“We were lucky. We should admit it,” Tuchel said. “Sometimes, you need it. Today, we could not reach this level. We were not ready for this game. We are to blame.

“We never found the right attitude. It was a big exception from the rule. We conceded a lot of chances in the first half and did not create much. We were very lucky to escape with a win.”

After a 32-minute suspension while a fan who had suffered a cardiac arrest was treated by emergency services, Chelsea took the lead when Mason Mount coolly converted after a well-worked move in the 29th minute.

But Watford deservedly leveled before the break through Nigerian Emmanuel Dennis.

Ziyech came on for injured defender Trevoh Chalobah on the hour and struck the winner 12 minutes later with the outstanding Mount turning provider.

Chelsea lead the standings with 33 points from 14 games, with City on 32 and Liverpool on 31.

Claudio Ranieri’s side will take heart from the way they pushed the league leaders but are just one place and three points above the relegation zone.

“We deserved at least a point but that’s football,” former Chelsea boss Ranieri said. “I’m very satisfied with our performance. Sooner or later, the points will arrive.”

Tuchel made six changes from the side that drew with Manchester United at the weekend and Chelsea looked disjointed for much of the evening.

Watford was the better team either side of the suspension but fell behind to Chelsea’s first move of real quality.

The ball was played to Marcos Alonso down the left and he slipped it into Kai Havertz who shifted it across to the unmarked Mount who had time to pick his spot.

Watford responded well with Danny Rose testing Edouard Mendy with a powerful shot. Chelsea continued to stutter and when Ruben Loftus-Cheek lost possession in midfield, Moussa Sissoko powered forward and picked out Dennis whose shot took a deflection on its way past Edouard Mendy.

The hosts could have been ahead with Mendy making a fine save and Sissoko scuffing a decent opportunity.

Watford continued to look a threat in the second half but Chelsea gradually began to assert some control and the quality they have on their bench eventually told as Ziyech came on to secure the points with his first league goal of the season.

Mount, Chelsea’s best player, was played into space down the left and his precise low cross was met by Ziyech whose powerful first-time shot beat Watford keeper Daniel Bachmann for pace. — Reuters

On uncertainty and control once again

Philippine Star/Michael Varcas

The world has suffered enough from the various strains of coronavirus for nearly two years. As of Dec. 1, some 263.15 million people have been infected with the virus, causing 5.24 million deaths. It is also in its economic impact that the pandemic proved vicious because the global economy retreated in the deepest recession, putting millions out of jobs and worsening inequality and poverty.

Marking the timelines of global efforts to mitigate this global pandemic is useful in assessing future roadblocks. The Delta variant is about to be reinforced by the Omicron variant.

The Philippines cannot plead innocence as a bystander.

The situation in 2020 was expected to turn for the worse with serious global implications. The World Bank Group (WBG) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) joined forces as early as April 2020 to consider the call for possible suspension of debt repayments in order to provide critical support to the poorest countries in Africa. The G20 economies decided to temporarily suspend debt payments starting May 1, 2020. There was consensus that the pandemic represented a big setback for the progress that has been achieved by Africa in eradicating poverty, inequality, and underdevelopment.

It was difficult to imagine that debt suspension is at all possible. A few decades ago, it was anathema to the Washington-based institutions, with or without a health crisis. Their idea of economic adjustment excluded debt suspension, debt forgiveness, or anything to that effect until the developed economies themselves were hit by the economic conflagration in Europe during the Global Financial Crisis and the European debt crisis. In addition, as globalization lost some traction, conducting global trade and investments on a flexible exchange rate platform did not always work. The Fund began to look kindly on macroprudential measures and capital controls, or to be politically correct, capital flow management measures.

These are sea changes in the Washington Consensus. The pandemic contributed more.

Official creditors gathered $57 billion for Africa in 2020 alone, plus $18 billion each from the IMF and the WBG to help mitigate the effects of the pandemic on economic performance. The private sector provided assistance even as the amount put together paled in comparison to more than $100 billion that Africa needed to fight the virus.

In 2021, these efforts have to continue because the pandemic did not let up. Thus, the sister institutions sustained their call, this time focusing on developing countries’ access to COVID-19 vaccines, arguing that the “coronavirus pandemic will not end until everyone has access to vaccine… Worldwide access to vaccines offers the best hope for stopping the coronavirus pandemic, saving lives, and securing a broad-based economic recovery.”

Both institutions decided to also develop and keep their separate programs to handle the requirements of their member countries in their pandemic response and other financing needs. Additional tools have been considered to offer short-term liquidity line especially for those considered to be strong economic performers as incentive.

Recently, the World Health Organization (WHO) Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus proposed a pandemic preparedness treaty in view of the forthcoming Omicron variant. The treaty is proposed to be legally binding on issues like equitable vaccine distribution, knowledge-sharing, financing and oversight structures. Another key issue is whether WHO should be authorized to investigate the dynamics of viral outbreaks as well as monitor and assess the health situation in any of the 194 member countries.

The underlying philosophy behind all these efforts is the great uncertainty of how the virus would behave, as did Delta then and as will Omicron now. While some factors may be quantified and assigned some probability of happening, the latest concern about the Omicron is its 50 mutations so far and as such, anything could happen when it comes to the Philippines. Omicron could be vaccine resistant.

Given the uncertainty surrounding Omicron and the magnitude of global efforts to mitigate its impact, it would be too cavalier for any medical practitioner to dismiss the general concern about it. After sequencing the variant, South Africa for instance, found that it accounts for three-quarters of the nearly 250 samples from positive coronavirus tests. Caseloads are rising rapidly, doubling in a matter of days. Some African and European countries have reported Omicron incidents, with recent cases of infection in Latin America. The New York Times on Dec. 1 reported that a new simulation indicates the virus could survive inside tiny airborne water particles. In response, the US is now planning to require international plane travelers to show negative test result within 24 hours. In the case of Japan, new bookings were cancelled for incoming flights until the end of this year.

So far, the Philippines has demonstrated some quick response. Aside from the mandatory research and monitoring of the dynamics of the new variant, our health authorities have sought to mobilize hospitals and other health facilities to adjust their capacities and administer booster shots to our healthcare workers. Unlike in the way we dealt with the Wuhan virus, it is good we decided to immediately escalate the travel restrictions. Inbound flights from identified sources of Omicron have been suspended. Arriving passengers from both yellow and green zone countries are to be subjected to the same testing and quarantine protocols. No one knows for sure where passengers came from, and the connecting hubs taken on their way in.

But looking ahead, there are road blocks.

The National Task Force Against COVID-19 Chief Implementor Carlito Galvez, Jr. himself warned us last week of the possible fourth wave. Yes, the public’s discipline and observance of health protocols are pivotal in our new battle against the incoming variant. But a more basic issue is what to do with the current and forthcoming supplies of vaccines. In the last few days, the Government has accelerated its vaccination rollout. Anyone is to be accommodated including walk-ins. But Galvez himself admitted that “70 million Filipinos… haven’t had their first dose of vaccines yet.”

Let Galvez explain that indeed we are facing a dilemma:

“Because when the surge comes, they (over 70 million unvaccinated Filipinos) will be the one that will be given the burden of deaths, and also the disease and hospitalization in our different hospital facilities. For example, if we will be giving the booster for 29 million, you are depriving 29 million of first shots.”

The suggested response is for us to continue wearing face masks.

The other roadblock is the implementation of health measures, testing, tracing, and treating those who are infected with the current and forthcoming viruses. Who will handle our pandemic mitigation activities?

Until now, based on the claim of the Alliance of Health Workers, three months have passed but the Government has yet to release their COVID-19 benefits. These benefits include Special Risk Allowance, Active Hazard Duty Pay and Meal, Accommodation and Transportation benefits. If our frontliners decided to symbolically padlock the main gate of the office of the Department of Health in Manila last week, would the Government’s response be equally symbolic?

If the Government fouls up on this latest test of competence and resolve, it’s anybody’s guess whether we could deliver on the 4-5% target for 2021. While Finance Undersecretary Gil Beltran was correct when he scored private analysts whose economic growth forecasts were generally some distance away from the actual third quarter performance, he might not have another opportunity to rebuff. Under the emerging circumstances, forecasters worth their salt ought to be more circumspect about our capacity to mitigate the pandemic.

Last Wednesday’s stock market plunge by nearly 254 points on account of Omicron demonstrates that so much is outside the control of our health and economic authorities.

 

Diwa C. Guinigundo is the former deputy governor for the Monetary and Economics Sector, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP). He served the BSP for 41 years. In 2001-2003, he was alternate executive director at the International Monetary Fund in Washington, DC. He is the senior pastor of the Fullness of Christ International Ministries in Mandaluyong.

Skepticism pays

KING RODRIGUEZ/ PRESIDENTIAL PHOTO

Skepticism — doubting whether someone’s statements or acts are what they seem or sound like, and considering the possibility that they’re meant to deceive — has never been as useful a guide in navigating the confusion and chaos of Philippine governance and politics than during the current election season.

No one should make any mistake about it: it is because of the 2022 elections that Rodrigo Duterte found the courage to say something other than acquiescent, defeatist, and incoherent ramblings about China’s continuing assaults on the people of the country of which he is the outgoing President.

Mr. Duterte told a China-ASEAN Summit meeting on Nov. 22 that the Philippines “abhors” the Nov. 16 blocking and water-cannoning of the Philippine supply ships that were on their way to the Marine detachment at Ayungin Shoal in the West Philippine Sea (WPS).

He also said, and reiterated it during the Asia-Europe Summit on Nov. 27, that only the observance of the rule of law could ease tensions in the West Philippine Sea — as indeed it could. But he did not explicitly address China. Indifferent to and contemptuous of international law, it is that country that totally ignored the United Nations Arbitral Tribunal’s ruling that huge parts of what it is arbitrarily claiming as its territory are in the Philippines’ Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ).

Mr. Duterte is running for senator while his daughter Sara is a candidate for Vice-President. So are a number of his cohorts, cronies, allies, and surrogates vying for this or that elective post, in addition to those of his enablers who are among the six candidates for President. That glaring fact is the inescapable context in which his saying all the right things last week must be understood.

Every survey ever conducted by the country’s more reliable polling firms (some are no more than the hired hacks of certain candidates) shows that nearly 70% of Filipinos favor alliances with “other countries” — meaning mostly the United States and its Western allies — to protect Philippine rights in the WPS. Nearly 50% of them also say that his regime is not doing enough, or is actually failing, to defend those rights.

Mr. Duterte very likely departed from his usual “we can’t do anything about it” posture in the hope that the voters will forget how Chinese aggression in, and militarization of the WPS have been emboldened by his past indifference to that country’s bullying and abuse of Filipino fisherfolk and other citizens in their own fishing grounds and national waters.

To deflect attention from China’s repeated assaults on Philippine sovereignty, he has gone out of his way to thank President Xi Jinping for that country’s donations of Sinovac vaccines (the later shipments of which the taxpayers paid for); its promise of grants and loans and other assistance that have yet to materialize; and, most specially, for Xi’s pledge to help keep him in power.

Last week, however, Mr. Duterte suggested that such incidents as Nov. 16’s could have an adverse impact on the patron-client relationship between China and the Philippines his policies have created, which he insists on calling a “partnership.”

Secretary of Foreign Affairs Teodoro Locsin, Jr., who has been filing one protest after another over China’s harassment of Filipino fisherfolk and intrusion into the EEZ, and who filed another protest over its blocking the two Philippine supply ships, echoed Mr. Duterte’s statements in his tweets.

Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana meanwhile told the media that dozens of Chinese civilian and military sea craft are still in the area, and that despite assuring the government that they will not stop Philippine vessels from supplying the Ayungin Shoal Marine detachment, a Chinese coast guard team on rubber boats nevertheless followed, photographed, and videoed them in another instance of harassment.

Diplomatic protests can be ignored, and China has done exactly that over the last five years, while complaints about harassment can be even more pointedly dismissed. The Chinese government also knows that in the end it is what Mr. Duterte will do that matters and not his words, nor those of his officials. But those words could be part of a charade about which Mr. Duterte’s patron, President Xi Jinping, is likely to have assumed were merely uttered as part of his vote-getting tactics.

Only those born yesterday would dismiss that likely possibility. If there is anything Mr. Duterte and company are good at, it is, after all, at play-acting and mass deception. He pretended not to be interested in the Presidency from mid-2015 until the approach of the 2016 elections when he did run for the post. During the campaign he pledged to take a jet ski and to plant the Philippine flag in the Spratlys. Some thought he was being literal, while others interpreted that remark to mean that once elected he would defend Philippines rights and interests in the WPS. But he later called those who believed him in either sense “stupid.”

In numerous other instances Mr. Duterte has said one thing but done another, while his spokespersons and other officials either denied, modified, or “clarified” what he said. All this makes anything he says at the very least subject to a huge dose of skepticism.

The same doubts are encouraged by the regime’s protests over former Foreign Affairs Secretary Albert del Rosario’s claim that China intervened in the 2016 elections in behalf of Mr. Duterte. Its less than reliable record of forthrightness and the Duterte China policy of looking the other way that seems to be the price for that support invite legitimate fears that not only could that have happened, but that it can also happen again.

Candidate for President Panfilo Lacson and Senator Ralph Recto have in fact warned that foreign interference, which is not new in Philippine electoral politics, could influence the outcome of the 2022 elections.

While they seemed to be referring to China alone, the United States also comes to mind. The US is the record holder in the clandestine enterprise of making sure that whoever is elected to the country’s top posts would protect and help advance, or at least not oppose through their policies, its strategic and economic interests. The US in fact intervened in Philippine elections almost immediately after 1946, and over the decades since the 1950s has continued to do so.

But it is nevertheless possible for China, with its drive to be the next global hegemon, not only to have done so but also to continue to do so, given its strategic and economic interests in the WPS, in the Philippines, and in Asia as a whole.

To Filipino skepticism over Mr. Duterte’s seeming turn-around over China’s latest act of intimidation in Philippine territorial waters must thus be added the need to be especially alert over the distinct possibility that the 2022 elections will not solely be a contest among Filipinos but also another arena of contention between two of the most powerful countries on the planet.

It also demands that citizens closely monitor and evaluate the policies of whoever wins the Presidency next year so they can determine whether those policies will be to the benefit of the Philippines and its people or to that of any foreign power. The Duterte episode should be enough of a learning experience for everyone to realize that skepticism pays dividends in monitoring governance in this country of multiple, conflicting allegiances to self, family, class, and foreign patrons, and with a sorry history of betrayal by its so-called leaders.

 

LUIS V. TEODORO is on Facebook and Twitter (@luisteodoro).
www.luisteodoro.com

Now is not the time for RCEP

RAWPIXEL.COM-FREEPIK

Not yet. Not now. Not when too many things are going on for the country to handle. And not when a new administration is coming in by the middle of next year.

The RCEP — or Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, a proposed free trade agreement (FTA) between the ASEAN members (the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam) and Australia, China, Japan, South Korea, and New Zealand — needs to go through Senate concurrence (not ratification, that is done by the President) if it is to be effective vis-a-vis the Philippines.

Already, Singapore, Thailand, Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, Australia, China, Japan, and New Zealand (or 10 of the 15 signatories) are executing the RCEP in accordance with their own constitutional processes.

On paper, the RCEP does seem significant, covering (at least according to the press releases) “a market of 2.2 billion people, or almost 30% of the world’s population, with a combined GDP of 26.2 trillion US dollars or about 30% of global GDP.” And yet, this again needs to be asked repeatedly: what does RCEP really do for the Philippines?

Even assuming the RCEP does bring benefits, the more important question is: at what cost? This is not even considering RCEP’s unforeseen consequences on a Philippine economy under pandemic conditions.

And for all of RCEP’s vaunted GDP coverage, a free trade agreement however is about trade. And the RCEP on that score admittedly merely accounts for “28% of global trade (based on 2019 figures)” of countries at varying degrees of development.

It’s a fairly intricate, complicated document, covering 20 chapters (not counting the opening and signing section), plus four Annexes of country “Schedules.” It covers the usual (e.g., trade in goods, rules of origin, services, etc.), as well as some relatively new areas (e-commerce and SMEs).

That alone should also raise concerns on what the “noodle bowl” of trade agreements will have on our overworked bureaucracy. The depth and complexity of RCEP leads to further questions on Philippine companies’ capacity for utilization of benefits. After all, we’re still trying to attain the rewards promised by AFTA, JPEPA, and others.

Set aside the fact that our closest security ally, the US, is excluded from the agreement, the Philippines already has free trade agreements with all of the RCEP countries: Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, Australia, China, Japan, South Korea, and New Zealand. What the RCEP brings that the other FTA’s don’t needs further elucidation.

Because the RCEP is more than just a trade agreement. It is also a strategic geopolitical tool that could have repercussions on sovereignty and security. The most troublesome aspect of the RCEP in this regard is its close identification with China.

As the National University of Singapore East Asian Institute’s Yu Hong puts it (“RCEP: The benefits, the regret and the limitations,” 2020): “With the signing of the RCEP agreement, China is the biggest winner in terms of economic development and geopolitics. Being part of the RCEP is advantageous to China in the face of the triple threat of the China-US trade war, geopolitical changes and global recession due to COVID-19. It also offers China more room to maneuver in the China-US trade war and as China’s diplomatic relations with the world deteriorate.”

So, while indeed 13 other countries may have agreed to sign on to a deal with China, nevertheless, those countries have not had 150,000 of their workers (others estimate 200,000) enter the Philippines these past few years, plus an additional 3.3 million of their tourists or those otherwise “visiting.”

Add to that the logical increased access that China will have to our domestic market, with the possibility of our current pandemic measures-hampered local industries being overwhelmed by a deluge of competing cheaper Chinese products, either by simple surge in imports or through outright dumping.

Add to that loans that a former Supreme Court justice felt the need to call out. Plus, the reported P1.365 billion in unpaid taxes and other fees by Chinese-run POGO firms.

Add the $1.1-billion trade deficit that we endure against that country.

And let us not forget their continued intrusion and poaching of our territory in the West Philippine Sea, with damages (according to some estimates) amounting to P200 billion.

This is within the context of 4.25 million Filipinos currently unemployed, with around 6.18 million underemployed. And an outstanding national debt currently at P11.97 trillion.

Even the supposed benefits RCEP touts is open to question. Due to its coverage, it is not the most open of free trade agreements. Add to that significant looseness as far as labor standards, intellectual property, competition, and environmental protection are concerned.

Finally, in these pandemic times, the problem of “adverse selection” comes in. Now is simply not the time to increase foreign entanglements when the Filipino people are struggling to make a living, while having to decide who its next president will be in the next several months.

 

Jemy Gatdula is a senior fellow of the Philippine Council for Foreign Relations and a Philippine Judicial Academy law lecturer for constitutional philosophy and jurisprudence https://www.facebook.com/jigatdula/
Twitter @jemygatdula

Investors are punishing the polluters. Here’s proof

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The corporate sector has a leading role to play in the world’s response to climate change. The data accumulated so far make it clear that the more greenhouse gases a company emits, the lower its stock price relative to its earnings.

This effect — in a sense a climate discount — is influenced by climate risk, by emissions regulations and carbon pricing, and by attention from investors and the public. Those factors lead to larger discounts in some sectors and market-cap sizes than in others. So, it’s clear the stock market is already rewarding companies that reduce emissions with higher valuations. And because this investor response will probably grow over time, the market incentive to lower emissions will, too.

Working with leading academics such as Joseph Aldy of the Harvard Kennedy School, Patrick Bolton of Columbia Business School, Marcin Kacperczyk of Imperial College London, and Andrew Lo of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, analysts at Lazard looked at data on more than 16,000 global companies and examined the relationship between each one’s equity value and the amount of greenhouse gases it emitted from 2016 to 2020.

This analysis reveals that, on average, a 10% increase in carbon dioxide emissions is associated with a 0.4% decline in a company’s price-earnings ratio (controlling for a wide array of other factors). But that climate discount average masks wide variations across sectors. The market currently punishes emissions in energy (0.8%) three times as much as those in consumer staples (0.3%), highlighting the role that climate risk and emissions regulations play in driving the discount.

The effect is also much larger for big companies than for small ones — perhaps because investors may pay more attention to bigger corporations and because regulations are more likely to apply to them. Consider industrials, for example. For European industrial companies with a market cap above $50 billion, the price-earnings multiple falls by a whopping 18% for every 10% increase in carbon emissions. For European industrial companies with market caps below $1 billion, which are less affected by regulation and investor pressure, the drop is less than 0.5%.

Climate discounts exist in both Europe and the US, but they’re more pronounced in Europe, presumably because of the carbon trading scheme there and other regulatory influences. In the energy sector, the stock values of smaller companies in both Europe and the US are less influenced by emissions than those of larger ones. In the US, the effect is four times greater for big companies. That’s a notable difference, but it pales in comparison with the eight-times differential from small to large energy companies in Europe. Here again, it seems that the size of the market incentive to reduce emissions is influenced by climate risks as well as government regulation and investor pressure.

Debt markets are also paying attention to company emissions, the data show, but here the size effects are reversed. For small companies, especially in Europe, credit default swap spreads (a measure of the riskiness of a company’s debt) are higher for those with higher emissions. But for large companies, emissions don’t matter. Investors seem to believe, not unreasonably, that carbon emissions are an indicator of default risk for smaller companies, but not larger ones.

The data also suggest that all these stock-value effects may grow larger over time. A good illustration is the experience in Europe, where the climate discount for large companies has risen since 2016 as the carbon price on the European Union Emissions Trading System has increased. (The trend in the US has, if anything, moved in the opposite direction, as many climate regulations were loosened over that period.)

With carbon prices rising and other climate-protection measures strengthening, it’s reasonable to speculate that company valuations will become increasingly tied to emissions control. In the meantime, the message to companies is that the market is already paying attention. — Bloomberg Opinion