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For fans, Super Bowl no longer a sport game, it’s an ‘experience’

PHOENIX — In just a half-century of evolution the Super Bowl has gone from sports event, to America’s biggest party, to a week long and very expensive immersive “experience”.

That includes not only the game but also more in-depth encounters where you can take a sunrise hike up Camelback mountain with a retired NFL player or toss back a few “brews” with former New England Patriots linebacker Ted Bruschi.

Next year it will almost certainly make another leap when “immersive experience” and “party” morph into one big Super Bowl supernova in Las Vegas, as Sin City hosts the game for the first time.

After Los Angeles hosted last year it is almost as if the National Football League (NFL) stopped for a breather in Phoenix with Las Vegas set for 2024 and New Orleans on deck for 2025.

Even NFL commissioner Roger Goodell could not keep from looking ahead, pushing already sky high expectations higher.

“I think I would be making a mistake under-estimating anything that happens in Vegas and how big it can be,” said Mr. Goodell during his state of the league address.

While Phoenix does not have glitz and pizzazz of Los Angeles or Las Vegas it was the ideal spot for this year’s Super Bowl says Brian Wilder, executive vice-president of sports experiences and fan engagement for On Location, the NFL’s official hospitality partner.

“When we looked at Phoenix, especially coming out of Los Angeles we saw a big opportunity,” Mr. Wilder told Reuters. “In Los Angeles, coming out of the pandemic, corporate business had not quite returned yet because they have to plan so far in advance.

“Having the lead up to Phoenix with the pandemic in the rear view mirror it provided a return to corporate which we didn’t see in Los Angeles.

“Los Angeles was a ton of fan demand, SoFi Stadium is amazing but Phoenix, so many corporate clients love going to Arizona throughout the year, not just Super Bowls, and we saw a great opportunity and it was there.”

For most people in Phoenix the closest they will get to the Super Bowl will be the NFL’s Fan Zone ($40 for adults, kids under 12 free) or speeding by the Glendale stadium on Highway 101.

Even at $3,200, the average price on resale site StubHub, your ticket for Sunday’s National Football League championship game between the Kansas City Chiefs and Philadelphia Eagles may well be the least expensive item of your Super Bowl experience.

An on-stage table at Sports Illustrated’s Super Bowl Party, with performances by Machine Gun Kelly and the Chainsmokers, comes in at a hefty $100,000 while the same table at Shaq’s Fun House, which included a meet and greet with host NBA great Shaquille O’Neal, would set you back $50,000.

On Location offers packages from $5,000 to $50,000 that can be tricked up to include everything from Super yoga to a day of golfing at one of Arizona’s top courses, Troon Golf Club.

In the evening there is a long list of concerts to choose from with artists such as Snoop Dogg to Sheryl Crow, or dine with celebrity chefs like Guy Fieri or Chris Bianco, where you can eat pizza and have your picture taken with the Lombardi trophy.

“If you go back 10 years ago Super Bowl was only about the game and now it is much, much more,” said Mr. Wilder. “The NFL is looking at it now as more than just a game, it’s a whole experience leading up to the game.” — Reuters

George pushes for Westbrook

To contend that the trade deadline was not kind to Russell Westbrook would be to understate the obvious. The erstwhile Laker found himself packing his bags for the Jazz and subsequently facing a buyout, not exactly a scenario the nine-time All-Star envisioned even in the face of ever-mounting criticisms on his play. He was, of course, ripe for a change in address given his poor fit with purple-and-gold stalwarts LeBron James and Anthony Davis. That said, his evident fall from grace cannot but be hard to accept for a Maurice Podoloff Trophy recipient.

Not that the Jazz are wrong to give Westbrook three options: 1) accepting even less minutes on the floor after the bitter pill that was his sixth man role with the Lakers; 2) staying away for the rest of the season with the rest of his $47-million salary intact; and 3) agreeing to be a free agent at a discount on his separation pay. After all, they’re still in rebuilding mode following an offseason that had them dealing former vital cogs Donovan Mitchell and Rudy Gobert. They’re angling for the buildup of their young prospects, and his advancing age and ball-dominant style simply does not jibe with their plans.

Westbrook is said to be thinking about the immediate term, and if he chooses to be free of any contract encumbrance, he can at least look to a handful of possibilities. In fact, the Clippers’ Paul George, with whom he burned rubber in Thunder jerseys, has already lobbied for his acquisition. “[I]t would definitely improve our team if we had that traditional point guard to kind of get us in things and make the game easy. So hopefully Russell sees this and we figure something out.” To be sure, he’s hardly a “traditional point guard,” which head coach Tyronn Lue has gone on record as saying they need badly.

George’s push for Westbrook is, needless to say, rooted in his extremely positive experience as a teammate. He had arguably the best season of his career when they were together, emerging as a bona fide candidate for the Most Valuable Player award while norming 28, eight, and four. Whether the Clippers will actually benefit from the reunion is another matter altogether, however. They need look no further than their crypto.com Arena co-tenants to see the pitfalls of such a move. The Lakers got burned, badly, and they would do well to learn from the development.

 

Anthony L. Cuaycong has been writing Courtside since BusinessWorld introduced a Sports section in 1994. He is a consultant on strategic planning, operations and human resources management, corporate communications, and business development.

Manila may juggle China, US, Japan amid tensions

PHILIPPINE STAR/KRIZ JOHN ROSALES

By Kyle Aristophere T. Atienza, Reporter

THE PHILIPPINE government would probably juggle its relationships with China, the United States and Japan to boost its security and economic interests, according to a foreign policy analyst.

“A flat out cutting off of China is impossible for the three countries,” Hansley A. Juliano, a political economy researcher studying at Japan’s Nagoya University’s Graduate School of International Development in Japan, said in a Facebook Messenger chat.

“It is likely we will retain our economic partnerships with China that cannot be delivered by the other two countries since our US and Japan conversation seems to be tied a lot to security,” he added.

Philippine President Ferdinand R. Marcos, Jr. at the weekend announced a plan to enter into a tripartite security agreement with Japan and the US, both seen as obstacles to China’s growing influence in the Indo-Pacific region. 

He said the three-way deal was discussed during his five-day visit to Tokyo that started on Wednesday.

“It is something that we certainly are going to be studying upon my return to the Philippines,” he told Tokyo-based Kyodo News. “It is just part of the continuing process of strengthening our alliances because of this rather confusing, and I dare say dangerous situation, that we have.”

Mr. Marcos cited uncertainties in the South China Sea and Indo-Pacific region, as well as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

“Philippine leaders tend to not allow one to interfere with the other, at least unlike the Duterte regime’s all-in [policy] on China,” Mr. Juliano said. “Even former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo consistently juggled US and China ties.”

Ms. Arroyo, a known powerbroker in Philippine politics who is now a Pampanga representative, was part of the president’s delegation to Tokyo.

She also accompanied Mr. Marcos on his visit to China and Davos, Switzerland for the World Economic Forum last month.

She had advised Mr. Duterte on foreign policy, backing his so-called pivot to China away from the US.

The proposed three-way deal among the Philippines, US and Japan “will ultimately be dependent on whether the US prefers it and whether the Japanese government can advance it without enough domestic opposition,” Mr. Juliano said.

“The US has already offloaded so much of its manufacturing to Chinese labor. Japan’s economy is also dependent on Chinese consumption, not to mention ours.”

Mr. Marcos also needs to ensure that the proposal, which Mr. Juliano describes as a “juggling act,” does not affect the Philippines’ economic partnership with China, its biggest trade partner.

This is where the Philippine president’s economic advisers would weigh in, he said.

Lucio Blanco Pitlo III, a research fellow at the Asia-Pacific Pathways to Progress Foundation, said the three-way security agreement might negate the Marcos government’s independent foreign policy push.

“At a time when US-China rivalry is intensifying, expanding US military access to Philippine locations and this brewing trilateral security arrangement may be construed as Manila taking sides when most in Southeast Asia try to avoid doing so and instead play all sides,” he said via Messenger chat.

‘LIKE-MINDED STATES’
“While these developments may have security dividends, they have little to negligible economic contribution to the Philippines.”

The Philippines has given Washington access to four more military bases under the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, which was struck in 2014 under the late President Benigno S.C. Aquino III.

There were also calls for the Philippines to enter into a reciprocal military deal with Japan that Senate President Juan Miguel F. Zubiri is pushing.

Mr. Pitlo said heightened risks associated with Japan and the US, which are increasing efforts to deter China’s global ambitions, “may even discourage investors to move elsewhere.”

“Beijing may also discourage its companies from investing in the Philippines, renege on trade privileges given to Manila, diminish aid or delay funding for infrastructure projects,” he added.

“Given their enormous implications, deciding on these things should be given serious thought.”

China is the Philippines’ biggest trade partner. Philippine exports to China hit $10.97 billion last year, while imports from China reached $28.2 billion, according to data from the local statistics agency.

Karl Gerard See, a security analyst, said the Philippines should review the three-way security deal “in consideration of not only the international impact (like China’s possible response) but also of the Filipino people, especially those living in maritime communities.”

“This move, if successful, signifies only a partial turnaround from the previous administration’s stance because it only considers mostly defense matters,” he said in a Messenger chat.

Victor Andres C. Manhit, president of local think tank Stratbase ADR, said the tripartite deal is “a great strategic initiative to protect our national interest as the Marcos administration faces complex and formidable challenges from renewed tensions in the region.”

“This initiative, I believe, is in pursuit of genuine alliances with like-minded states and would allow the Philippines to protect its territorial integrity under a rules-based international system,” he said via Messenger chat.

He said the agreement does not negate the Marcos leadership’s push for an independent foreign policy “because it broadens support for the assertion of our maritime rights based on the 2016 arbitral victory.”

He was referring to a 2016 ruling by United Nations-backed tribunal that voided China’s claim to more than 80% of the South China Sea based on a 1940s map.

“The tripartite deal is in a unique position to pursue critical multilateralism and multi-alignment amid tensions in the region,” Chester B.  Cabalza,  who studied national security and policymaking at the University of Delaware, said in a Messenger chat.

Party-list Rep. France L. Castro said the three-way deal contradicts the Philippines’ “independent foreign policy” and makes it vulnerable to attacks.

 “With this type of foreign policy, the Philippines would further become a magnet for attacks and further imperil the Filipino people,” she said in a statement.

She also said a visiting forces agreement with Japan could lead to abuses by Japanese soldiers while on Philippine soil.

“We should be wary of agreements like this and stand up for ourselves through international laws.” — with Beatriz Marie D. Cruz

Labor coalition seeks speedy trial for Duterte critic

POLICE served the arrest warrant on former Senator Leila M. de Lima on Feb. 24, 2017. — PNA PHOTO BY AVITO C. DALAN

THE LARGEST labor coalition in the Philippines has called on the courts to fast-track the trial of a former senator and critic of ex-President Rorigo R. Duterte for drug trafficking.

In a statement, Nagkaisa said former Senator Leila M. de Lima, who has been in jail since 2017, has a right to a speedy trial.

“It is not special treatment for her if the panel of prosecutors moves for the dismissal of charges or her acquittal when they believe the accused is innocent,” it added. She should also be allowed to post bail, it added.

Filibon F. Tacardon, Ms. De Lima’s lawyer, told reporters on Friday they would file another petition for bail in her drug cases before a Muntinlupa regional trial court.

This move comes after ex-prison chief Rafael Z. Ragos in open court took back his allegations that the former lawmaker had abetted the illegal drug train inside the national jail when she was still justice secretary.

He earlier claimed to have delivered P10 million in drug money to Ms. De Lima’s bodyguard that she allegedly used to finance her senatorial run in 2016.

Four witnesses have taken back their allegations against Ms. De Lima’s involvement in the illegal drug trade. All of them claimed to have been coerced by government into testifying against her.

One of the three drug charges against Ms. De Lima has been dismissed, while two are pending in court.

The former lawmaker, one of Mr. Duterte’s fiercest critics, has asserted her innocence, saying she was being tried for criticizing the government’s deadly drug war.

In 2016, Ms. De Lima led a Senate probe into vigilante-style killings in Davao when Mr. Duterte was still mayor and vice mayor of the city. She was arrested a year later after allegations of her involvement in the illegal drug trade.

Human Rights Watch has said her imprisonment showed the continuation of human rights abuses in the country. It urged the government of President Ferdinand R. Marcos, Jr. to drop what it called trumped-up charges against her. — John Victor D. Ordoñez

German companies keen to enter PHL mining industry

A port is pictured as trucks and a backhoe load rocks and soil containing nickel-ore minerals into a barge in the mining town of Sta Cruz, Zambales, Feb. 8, 2017. — REUTERS

GERMAN companies are interested in joining the Philippines’ mining industry, according to the European country’s top diplomat in Manila.

German Ambassador to the Philippines Anke Reiffenstuel, in an email interview with BusinessWorld, cited “investment opportunities in the area of rare earths and metals like copper and nickel.” 

“We want to increase the production of goods, as well as the offering of services,” she said, noting that there have been German companies that worked in production sites in the Philippines. 

The Mines and Geosciences Bureau estimated the value of metallic mineral output in the first nine months of 2022 at P175.61 billion, up 29.21%

President Ferdinand R. Marcos, Jr. has said he wants the mining industry to be a key economic contributor. A four-year ban on open pit mining was lifted in Dec. 2021, six months before the previous administration stepped down.

At the same time, the embassy also plans to put more focus on environmental issues, human rights and international law as it strengthens ties with the Philippine government.  

“We are planning to intensify our cooperation in fields like climate and environment, human rights and rule of law, as well as our joint engagement for the international rules-based order in the region,” Ms. Reiffenstuel said.  

The Philippines and Germany’s business cooperation mostly involves renewable energy and energy networks, electronics, industry, business process outsourcing, education, health, construction and farming.

“In our approach of diversifying Germany’s supply chains and investments, German companies are looking particularly into Southeast Asia for new investments,” she said.  

“The Philippines, being a democracy with a free market economy, are providing good investment conditions,” she added. “This is further amplified by young, qualified and motivated Filipino workers.” 

However, the embassy noted that the German investors remain concerned about difficulties in regulatory and permitting processes in the Philippines, and restrictions on foreign participation in various sectors.

“The ease of doing business can be improved, harbor procedures expedited and made more transparent, (and) the limitation of foreign ownership further reduced, particularly in construction, crew manning agencies, and renewable energy facilities,” the ambassador said. — Alyssa Nicole O. Tan

DENR partners with private sector, academe for reforestation carbon credit program 

DENR PHOTO

THE DEPARTMENT of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) is developing a carbon credit program through reforestation in partnership with private companies and a university, starting in Negros Occidental province.  

DENR signed on Friday a memorandum of understanding in Tokyo, Japan with Marubeni Corp., DMCI Holdings unit Dacon Corp., and the University of the Philippines – Los Baños College of Forestry and Natural Resources (UPLB-CFNR) for the project.  

The signing ceremony was part of President Ferdinand R. Marcosofficial visit to Japan.  

In this project, the government, private sector, and academic sector are working together to enhance the public good by contributing to environmental conservation and global warming countermeasures (as stated by the Philippines government), and to create economic value,said Marubeni in a statement.  

Carbon credits are tradable certificates or permits allowing the holder to emit specified amounts of carbon dioxide or other greenhouse gasses in a specified period.  

According to Marubeni, the Philippines’ forest cover has declined to just over 20% of total land area in 2020 from 70% in the 20th century mainly due to excessive loggingand “conversion to agricultural land.”   

The project aims to restore biodiversity, create employment in local communities, and establish a carbon credit program through carbon absorption and sequestration by forests,the Japanese trading company said.   

In December last year, DENR Secretary Maria Antonia Yulo-Loyzaga proposed to craft legislation for carbon credit systems in the Philippines and to review the Climate Change Act of 2009 or Republic Act 9729. Sheldeen Joy Talavera

SNAP looks into Davao Oriental’s renewable energy potential

DAVAO ORIENTAL GOVT/MOALVITE 

SN ABOITIZ Power (SNAP) is looking into potential renewable energy projects in Davao Oriental, the provincial government said following a meeting last week with the companys representatives.   

Davao Oriental Governor Corazon N. Malanyaon said the local government is determinedto find reliable and affordable power sources to support the provinces economic growth plan focusing on high-value agriculture and sustainable eco-tourism.  

There are bright prospects for our provinceall of which need a sustainable power supply to thrive and flourish,Ms. Malanyaon said in a statement released by the provincial government.   

SNAP officials said during the exploratory dialoguethat it will first determine the energy source feasible for the province, particularly in the capital city of Mati, according to the statement.   

The company will also assess energy resources by measuring how much energy can be extracted from a particular site. From there, a feasibility study will be formulated,it said.    

The Davao Oriental government has been exploring various energy projects, including a biomass facility for remote communities in partnership with Davao Oriental Electric Cooperative, Inc. (DORECO), the provinces sole electricity distributor.  

DORECO, which has its own Sitio Electrification Program, will cover the labor component of the proposed project, which is also seen to improve supply in tourist destinations.      

Construction for a hydropower plant using the Caraga River is also expected to start this year, Ms. Malanyaon announced in November 2022.  

SNAP is a joint venture between listed Aboitiz Power Corp. (AboitizPower) and Norways Scatec.  

AboitizPower has other subsidiaries operating in the Davao Region, including distributor Davao Light and Power Co. and coal-fired plant operator Therma South, Inc. MSJ

Senator calls for better mental health program in schools amid rising suicide rates 

PHILIPPINE STAR/WALTER BOLLOZOS

THE SENATE Basic Education Committee chair has flagged the governments inadequate implementation of mental health programs, noting high cases of attempted and performed suicide among students.  

Citing data from the Department of Education (DepEd), Senator Sherwin T. Gatchalian said 404 learners died by suicide in 2021, while 2,147 made an attempt to end their life.   

According to the 2021 Young Adult Fertility and Sexuality Study, close to one in five Filipino youth aged 15 to 24 have at least considered ending their life.  

The percentage of suicide attempts in 2021 rose to 7.5% or almost 1.5 million youth from 3% or 574,000 in 2013.  

In my own observation, our mental health program is incohesive and not holistic,” Mr. Gatchalian said in a statement on Sunday. “We need to institutionalize it and make it sustainable too.”  

DepEd records showed that only 16,557 out of the countrys 60,157 schools have guidance offices and only 21,837 schools have conducted mental health celebration and awareness programs.  

The senator said the country also needs 47,879 registered guidance counselors nationwide.  

The senator has filed the Basic Education Mental Health and Well-Being Promotion Act or Senate Bill 379, which will mandate the provision of mental health services, emotional, developmental and preventive programs, and other support services to learners, as well as teaching and non-teaching personnel. Alyssa Nicole O. Tan

House to provide P5.4-M aid to Turkey quake victims

PHILIPPINE STAR/ MICHAEL VARCAS

THE HOUSE of Representatives, through the Speakers Disaster Relief and Rehabilitation Initiative, will provide $100,000 or about P5.4 million in financial aid to victims of last weeks earthquake that damaged Turkey and Syria.  

Speaker Ferdinand Martin G. Romualdez will turn over the fund to Turkish Ambassador to the Philippines Niyazi Evren Akyol on Monday.  

Mr. Romualdez noted that Turkey was one of the first countries to send assistance to Leyte and parts of Eastern Samar in the aftermath of typhoon Haiyan, known locally as super typhoon Yolanda, in 2013, which killed over 6,300 people. 

The assistance extended by Turkey, the United States and our allies and friends abroad helped ease the pain and suffering of our people,he said in a statement on Sunday.  

A 7.8-magnitude earthquake hit Turkey and Syria on Feb. 6, with the death toll across the two countries hitting over 25,000 as of Sunday.   

Among those who died were two Filipinos working in Turkey, according to the Department of Foreign Affairs.  

The Philippines has sent an 85-member team to Turkey to help in the rescue and relief operations. Beatriz Marie D. Cruz

On revising the 1987 Constitution

JCOMP-FREEPIK

Cha-cha is in the air again. I was asked in a recent congressional hearing: A.) Do I favor revising the 1987 constitution? Answer: I do. B.) What modality? Answer: A constitutional convention. Recent actuations of Congress convince me that a Con Ass (constituent assembly) will pass purely self-serving provisions. C.) When? Maybe later when the economy has stabilized: the present crisis dictates that we grow the economy first. A Cha-cha, as charter change is referred to colloquially, now will postpone needed investment and growth.

I am not a lawyer nor constitutional expert. But I am a citizen who the constitution is intended to edify and inspire. As a citizen, I believe that a constitution should satisfy a modicum of aesthetics. Many talking heads would scoff at the mention of aesthetics in such a serious discourse. But even in the hard sciences, aesthetics is ignored with risk. Paul Dirac, one of the revered fathers of modern Physics, preached that a theory that lacks beauty should not be taken seriously. Aesthetics in constitutional writing, usually touching on the length or size, has been long debated. One side says that constitution should be lengthy to leave little doubt about what is meant. The other side disagrees; it says:

“Long constitutions, in contrast, are seen as exercises in obscure legalese: confusing that which should be clear; obfuscating that which should be common knowledge. In other words, they are presented as just another con by which ‘they’ keep ‘us’ far from power.” (Bulmer Elliot, Jan. 24, 2021, The National)

I have personally embraced the latter side of this debate. I believe that a constitution should be short and pithy, written in noble and heroic prose if not poetry (if need be, recruit UP Emeritus Professor Jose “Butch” Dalisay for the purpose) to inspire the nation to thoughtful patriotism.

Like Sunday sermons, constitutions if too long erode the listeners’ attention and transform commitment into indifference or worse. Mark Twain relates of a prelate who was preaching for donations to a worthy cause: aiding those who are in dire need but too proud to ask for it. So, aroused at the start, Twain was ready to part with $400 for the cause; but his frenzy cooled off with each seemingly endless additional stanza of the prelate’s peroration until, when the collection plate finally came, Twain recalls he filched a penny from rather than contribute to the plate. Length has turned commitment into crime.

Similarly why a constitution should be short, containing just the vision and the basic principles that must guide the pursuit of that vision. These are the enduring values.

The reason our constitution is unnecessarily long is because it also includes policy instruments. Policy prescriptions are chosen to reflect the technological and physico-social constraints of the moment. These constraints are always changing and time-bound. They are transient issues. Policy instruments must therefore be left to the legislature of the moment to formulate to reflect the physico-social and technological constraints of the moment. The comingling of principles and policy prescriptions leads to frequent changes in the Constitution, exemplified by the 1935 Constitution (three times in 12 years).

The 1987 Philippine constitution fails the simple aesthetics of brevity on the separation of principles and instruments. The section “State Policies” contains 27 sections, all of which constrain future governments in certain directions. What it tells us citizens is that the framers of the 1987 Constitution harbored a deep distrust for future governments to act with prudence so their hands should be tied. But this also limits their capacity to respond to changing socio-physical and technological environments. Resilience be damned!

Two policy prescriptions in the 1987 constitution especially bug me. Let me hasten to Article XII on “National Economy and Patrimony.” Specifically, Section 11 which restricts foreign ownership to 40% of capital, thus to a minority interest. This is a policy choice that the framers thought may advance national welfare. This is heavily contested. That native born actors are better stewards of the national patrimony is an article of faith, not a demonstrated fact. (The new Public Service Act though has expanded the compass of activities exempt from this 40% ownership restriction).

The Terminal 3-Philippine International Air Terminals Co., Inc. (PIATCO) scandal shows a good deal of the effects of the foreign ownership restriction. The construction and operation of the Terminal 3 of the Ninoy Aquino International Airport or NAIA attracted foreign interests, among them Fraport. But the ownership restriction on foreign ownership means that the foreign interest cannot own and run the facility. It needed a local majority partner (some say a dummy). It found one, but the partner was embroiled in corruption cases leading to lawsuits that caused the completed Terminal 3 to be mothballed for a decade since delivery in 2002. In 2016, the Philippine Supreme Court, following an arbitral ruling, ordered the Philippine government to indemnify PIATCO P25 billion. Had the ownership restriction not been there, Terminal 3 would have been run and earning since 2002 and the P25 billion indemnity would have been avoided. Twenty-five billion pesos was the cost of the foreign ownership restriction in just this one case.

That Fraport itself did not have a clean record in its past dealings is not relevant: other more upfront foreign investors would have bid for the project if the ownership restriction did not exist. That there were local interests and funding for the project is also irrelevant. The fact is that the local consortium disbanded midstream which made foreign capital a requirement. If it showed anything, the ownership restriction also spawned the “dummy partner” industry which engendered even more corruption.

Under Section 4, Article XIII “Social Justice and Human Rights,” subsection “Agrarian and Natural Resources Reform,” it is stated: “To this end, the state shall encourage and undertake the just distribution of agricultural land.” Land reform was one policy instrument among possibly many others to further farmer welfare at that point in time. In lieu of land distribution, Professor Shinohara, then visiting the UP School of Economics, recommended higher farm land taxes to be earmarked to tenants. This would have left the farm production structure intact and would cost infinitely less. But irrational exuberance and zealotry won the day. The Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program, more commonly known as CARP, defined farmer welfare as land ownership and equity completely trumped land efficiency. But ownership of a hectare of land does not push a farmer out of poverty; it does not pay for the education of farmers’ children; only farmer income does. The framers of the constitution could not conceive of the considerable distance between a piece of land and income. And the result is farmer poverty.

Farmer welfare was wrongly identified by CARP with some certificate of ownership. Thirty years after the 1987 constitution, the only meaningful marker for farm household welfare is farm income, which draws from the efficient use of the land not from ownership. Consolidation of farms rather than fragmentation of farms has now become exceedingly more important for farm efficiency. But as useful as farm consolidation is as a policy instrument today, it has no place among the basic principles in the rewritten constitution.

I humbly suggest that the rewritten Philippine constitution drop Section 10 and 11 of Article XII and Section 4 of Article XII and all other policy instruments masquerading as basic values. Will the lifting of these provisions create a tsunami of foreign and domestic investments? With other hurdles like high power cost unresolved, perhaps an improvement at the edges but not a tsunami!

 

Raul V. Fabella is a retired professor of the UP School of Economics, a member of the National Academy of Science and Technology and an honorary professor of the Asian Institute of Management. He gets his dopamine fix from bicycling and tending flowers with wife Teena.

Data sharing for food security and resiliency

CARLOS MUZA-UNSPLASH

The Philippines is one of the countries in the world facing challenges in food security. To at least ensure food availability, the Philippine government has adopted food importation as a strategy such that in 2021, the country’s Food Balance Sheet recorded an import dependency ratio of 25.1% according to the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA). Hence, despite being blessed with arable lands and marine resources, the country has been considered as the second largest importer of rice in the world, registering $1.2 billion worth of rice imports, and is the 8th largest importer of fish and crustaceans in Asia worth $625.66 million in the year 2021.

The farmers are usually at the receiving end of the food security debacle blame game. They are usually accused of not possessing the necessary knowledge, technology, and information. All these indeed contribute to low productivity resulting in low if not unpredictable food supply. Blaming farmers, even ridiculing them, is exemplified by Agriculture Undersecretary Domingo Panganiban’s statement in a radio interview on the “oversupply” of garlic and cabbage sometime in 2022. He said that the Filipino farmers are planting without thinking as to where to sell their crops.

Businessmen are likewise blamed for our country’s food security problem — those who are engaged in hoarding and price manipulation. Smugglers, for doing illegal and reprehensible acts, are easy and visible targets. They flood the markets with imported agricultural produce. But when government restricts imports at a time of severe shortage, smuggling becomes lucrative. Like it or not, smuggled products (abetted by misguided government policy) helps alleviate the shortage.

In that case, government is also blameworthy for perpetuating policies that worsen the country’s food security.

The tear-jerker tale of onion prices skyrocketing from P50 to P700 per kilo illustrates the problem. Agriculture Assistant Secretary Kristine Evangelista blamed the traders for the spike in the farmgate price of onions, which reached between P550 and P670 per kilo in December trades. The Food Terminal, Inc., a government-owned and -controlled corporation, was dragged into the controversy as it procured onions at a high price but sold them at much lower prices in Kadiwa stores. The tragic part is that consumers and taxpayers are shouldering the high onion farmgate price even as our farmers remain impoverished.

The blame game and the food security debacle, however, could be traced to the systemic problem of low farm productivity and output leading to perennial supply problems. The situation becomes a crisis when shocks suddenly appear.

Notwithstanding the systemic problems, the Department of Agriculture (DA) could have still anticipated supply shocks if it had been actively utilizing, promoting, and sharing agricultural data. With readily available and accessible data, flip-flopping decisions on sugar and onion importation, for example, could have been avoided and the supply of the goods could have been smoothly managed.

The same could have guided the DA to come up with evidence-based agriculture policies, not just in addressing supply gaps but, more importantly, in increasing the efficiency and productivity of agriculture and farmers. The DA will know what agricultural inputs and technologies to provide, to whom, and to where. Making the information publicly available can also strengthen anti-corruption mechanisms and eliminate schemes similar to the liquid fertilizer scandals.

Data is an empowering tool. With readily available and accessible data, farmers will be guided on what to plant, when, and how much, to avoid overproduction of one agricultural product and underproduction on others. They will also have a basis in asking the government, particularly the local government units (LGUs), for the support they need. Otherwise, as Inso Ubalde, the municipal administrator of Irosin in Sorsogon province, told us: “Lacking information makes us in the LGUs in a bind on what to provide the farmers. Worse, addressing the requests for agricultural inputs is not met on time because of the [obsolete] procurement process. Hence, we really need a system where everybody can have a look on a timely and reliable data.”

Real-time data can also help traders and logistics service providers locate and move overconcentrated agricultural produce to where they are needed most. For the government, real time data can eradicate unnecessary layers in the food supply chain, including price speculation and manipulation, and discourage the entry of unscrupulous traders. This can also put to good use the intelligence fund of the nation’s Chief Executive who is also the concurrent Agriculture Secretary, as available data can provide clues on possible cases of hoarding and price manipulation.

Unfortunately, the undeniable reality is that agriculture data are outdated and hardly accessible, and if available, they need to be re-encoded to make them available to the public. In addition, the different local interpretations on agricultural data-sharing policies vary from one regional field office to another.

Only some regional offices allow access to the Registry System for the Basic Sectors in Agriculture (RSBSA) — an electronic database containing basic information of farmers and fisherfolks, and members of DA-accredited farmer organizations. The provinces of Romblon and Leyte have passed Sangguniang Panlalawigan resolutions urging the DA to share anonymized RSBSA datasets, but it looks like that these resolutions have yet to be tabled for discussion.

Problems on data availability and access are the major obstacles of LGUs trying to create data-sharing platforms for their farmers and markets. Instead of directly focusing on platform development, LGUs still have to problematize where and how to source the data, and where to source funds for re-encoding or cleaning. Such is the experience of the LGUs of Mina in Iloilo and Irosin in Sorsogon as they continue to develop the Municipal Agriculture Information System, Farmers Agriculture Resource Management System (MAIS-FARMS) and the Integrated Management of Agri-fishery Production and Market for the Development of Irosin (IMAProMDI), respectively. Both systems attempt to provide real-time agricultural production and marketing information in order to link farmers and their produce directly to premium markets and direct buyers while at the same time arm the LGUs with information on the appropriate intervention they need to provide and prioritize.

Simply put, by making data available and accessible, the DA will be strategically equipped to realize its vision of a food-secure and resilient Philippines with empowered and prosperous farmers and fishers.

But will the DA under President Bongbong Marcos, who is the concurrent Agriculture Secretary, open the gates for information and data sharing?

 

Jay A. Carizo is a local governance specialist working with the Galing Pook Foundation that has partnered with Action for Economic Reforms in the COLLABDev Project, a data-driven development program. He has conducted a number of studies on food security and nutrition with a special focus on the food supply chain.


ERRATUM

Mistake in smoking prevalence figures

Two recent Yellow Pad columns used a wrong figure for the smoking prevalence in 2009. The correct figure for smoking prevalence in 2009 is 29.7%, not 28.3%.

The columns were by Pia Rodrigo (“10 years since the signing of the sin tax law,” Jan. 15, 2023) and Filomeno Sta. Ana III (“Ten years after,” Jan. 29, 2023).

The figures have been corrected in the online versions of the columns (https://www.bworldonline.com/opinion/2023/01/15/498372/10-years-since-the-signing-of-the-sin-tax-law/ and https://www.bworldonline.com/opinion/2023/01/29/501634/ten-years-after/).

National Debt and the misleading family metaphor: A message to the economic managers and to journalists

TIMIS ALEXANDRA-UNSPLASH

A RECENT ARTICLE in the prestigious British newspaper The Guardian (“Bad economics at the BBC enabled Tory austerity and its aftermath — and it knows as much,” James Meadway, Jan. 31, 2023, The Guardian) claimed that bad economics by the British Broadcasting Co. (BBC), the reputable British television company, enabled Tory austerity and its aftermath. A BBC internal review noted that too many journalists don’t get “basic economics,” with a negative effect on UK politics. The review refers to taxation, public spending, government borrowing, and debt output. Poor information is particularly serious when it comes to reporting on the central political issue of government debt, with some journalists apparently instinctively believing that all debt to be inherently bad. The result is that journalists very often frame policy choices, such as making cuts to spending, as if they were decisions of necessity.

Several recent articles in the Philippines have reported that national debt reached P13.4 trillion at the end of 2022 (as reported by the Bureau of the Treasury). This represents 60.9% of GDP. Total debt is broken down into P9.21 trillion in domestic debt and P4.21 trillion in external debt. The tone of these articles reflects also a negative view toward public debt. The government is aiming at a debt-to-GDP ratio of less than 60% by 2025 and 51.1% by 2028, seemingly coinciding with what some commentators say that if the Philippines’ debt stays above 60% of GDP, the country might be subject to a credit downgrade, which would increase the cost of additional borrowing. Hence the need to reduce/improve the debt-to-GDP ratio to below the 60% international threshold.

The reality of so-called national debt is very different from how it is reported and assessed on TV and newspapers, and even by some economists and members of the government. The review of the BBC’s reporting on government spending and debt is welcome because it serves as an example to other countries.

Government debt manifests itself as pieces of paper that are freely purchased by the private sector. It is fundamental to differentiate between debt in domestic currency and debt in foreign currency. The first one does not pose a solvency problem (unless the government willingly chooses not to service it), while the second one could be a headache for developing countries, as these need to earn foreign currency by exporting or by attracting foreign investment. There are several fundamental misunderstandings about how governments spend and what debt is, that are worth clarifying.

Governments do not have currency (dollars, pesos, rupees, euros, pounds….) and do not print it. They spend by data entry on their own spreadsheet, and by crediting bank accounts. And even if they spent by using cash, it would be the same thing: data entry but written on a piece of paper rather than entered into a spreadsheet. When governments spend, the funds do not come from anywhere. It is fiat money.

Governments, when they spend, credit bank accounts and private banks’ reserves. Reserves are just a form of government currency used by banks to make payments to one another and to the government. If you later want cash, your bank lets you withdraw it. It uses its vault cash. And if it does not have enough, it calls the Central Bank, which delivers paper money and debits the bank’s reserves.

The US government has run deficits for over 200 years. Can your family do it? Do you have unlimited power to credit accounts electronically? The household analogy most often used is totally wrong. A sovereign government does not face solvency risk in domestic currency: Governments cannot go broke and their checks do not bounce. Yes, many impose artificial constraints on themselves (people should know they are self-imposed). This does not mean that they are financially constrained like you and me. The fact that governments are not financially constrained like you and me (and hence the standard idea of a government budget constraint should also be reconsidered) does not mean that they can spend at will and on anything they want to. The limit is inflation, and not the fallacy “the government does not have money.”

The standard argument is that in order to sustain government spending, the government must issue securities. The reality is that securities (debt) are issued as a result of unwarranted cash balances that appear as excess reserves in the banking system, i.e., excess liquidity in the banking system. Reserves have to be drained because, otherwise, the interest rate set by the Central Bank would go down to zero.

This means that, contrary to what is often preached, government deficits put downward pressure on the Central Bank’s overnight interest rate. Excess reserves are dried up by issuing bonds. This is what the Central Bank and Treasury effectively do, although they think they are “financing” the deficit. Naturally, the “crowding out” argument (of the private sector) is also incorrect, as the latter is based on the misleading idea that there is a fixed pool of money in the market and that public and private sectors fight for it in such a way that government deficits lead to increases in interest rates. This cannot be further from the truth. In fact, it is the opposite.

Note that a government deficit means that government spending (by crediting accounts, not by using taxes) is higher than tax collection from the public at large. Why is this necessarily bad? A surplus, on the other hand, takes away spending power from consumers. Why would anybody want fiscal surpluses? Does this mean a more efficient government? Are surpluses saved to pay for things “tomorrow”? Budget surpluses are, most often, deflationary (yes, at times a surplus might be needed to cool the economy). I insist that this does not imply that the government should spend as if there is no tomorrow. It simply means that government spending should be reconsidered and presented as what it is: a transfer to the private sector that plays an important role in the economy, in particular, in that of a developing country.

National debt is the sum of past government deficits (minus cancellations). As noted above, government debt is, in practice, pieces of paper (IOUs) where the private sector willingly parks its excess liquidity. Why? Because the government always pays back (in its own currency). How? Naturally, by crediting accounts; not to mention that states don’t tend to retire or die, or pay off their debts entirely. And naturally, government spending at any point in time does not affect future generations, no matter how many Treasury securities are outstanding. Government debt is wealth in the hands of the private sector; interest payments are payments to the generation that receives them; and the government services bonds by crediting bank accounts.

All Treasury securities do is to offset operating factors at the Central Bank. Nothing to do with saving and investment. A deficit exactly equals the total net increase in the holdings of financial assets of the non-government sector (business and households, residents and non-residents). Deficits add to national savings (of the non-government sector): (i) Government sells P100 Treasuries (which becomes wealth of the private sector); (ii) Government spends the P100 it received from the selling of Treasuries. The result? The non-government sector now has P100 of bank accounts and P100 in new securities. Surpluses, instead, subtract savings as they are a net decrease in non-government savings of financial assets. An economy cannot have a budget surplus with private savings increasing (including non-resident savings of the country’s financial assets). Watch out for reductions in budget deficits that will reduce the injection into the economy and, worse, surpluses: households will have to sell securities so that they can pay for their taxes. Their net financial assets and savings go down by the amount of the surplus.

Reporting on government spending and debt through the family metaphor is very misleading. Indeed, the conceptual leap from government financing to household borrowing distorts the truth. While it is important to monitor debt, it is even more important to understand what the government spends on and how this benefits the economy. That some of this spending might be labeled “inefficient” does not imply that debt has to be controlled so as not to go over 60% of GDP. The nation’s economic managers need to use government spending to achieve the national goals. This requires awareness of the fact that issuing securities (debt) is an operation to offset operating factors at the Central Bank, not borrowing as commonly discussed (i.e., a matter of necessity). The 60% debt threshold is an invention. It might be true though that rating agencies could downgrade the Philippines. This is unfortunate (poor understanding) as it is what would harm the country.

 

Jesus Felipe is a distinguished professor of Economics and director of the Angelo King Institute, De La Salle University.