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Hotly tipped Pliskova beginning to believe

MELBOURNE — Fifth seed Karolina Pliskova continued her impressive march through the Australian Open Thursday, and is beginning to believe she could be on track for a Grand Slam to remember.

Czech Republic’s Karolina Pliskova hits a return against Russia’s Anna Blinkova during their women’s singles second round match on day four of the Australian Open tennis tournament in Melbourne on January 19, 2017. / AFP PHOTO / SAEED KHAN / IMAGE RESTRICTED TO EDITORIAL USE – STRICTLY NO COMMERCIAL USE

The towering Czech star dished out a 6-0, 6-2 lesson to hapless Russian qualifier Anna Blinkova in the second round and has only dropped four games so far in two matches.

She hasn’t lost this year, lifting the trophy in this month’s Brisbane International, and her confidence is running high.

“I’m feeling pretty good on the court, confident. I have some matches already that I won this year. I didn’t lose yet, which is also a good thing,” she said.

“I think I’m playing good, even though the opponents were not that high level, I would say.

Awaiting her next is Latvia’s Jelena Ostapenko, who upset 31st seed Yulia Putintseva in straight sets.

If she beats Ostapenko, as form suggests she will, a potential quarterfinal against third seed Agnieszka Radwanska will be within Pliskova’s sights.

But the Czech star, who broke through last year in making the US Open final, losing to Angelique Kerber, is taking nothing for granted.

Blinkova, in her Grand Slam debut aged only 18 and ranked 189 in the world, never stood a chance in warm sunshine on Margaret Court Arena.

It was her first match against a top 10 opponent and she was out of her depth, struggling with her first serve and her returning.

Power server Pliskova gave no ground and raced through the first set in just 25 minutes, with Blinkova winning only 12 points.

Ranked at a career-high five in the world, the tall and tattooed 24-year old was in no mood to give an inch and romped 4-0 in front in the second set before Blinkova finally held serve.

She raised her arm in the air and got huge cheers from the crowd, and then held serve for a second time before Pliskova wrapped up a routine victory.

KONTA SETS UP WOZNIACKI BLOCKBUSTER
Johanna Konta set up a mouth-watering third-round clash against former world number one Caroline Wozniacki at the Australian Open Thursday, with both players looking in fine touch.

The British ninth seed, who made the semifinals last year to kick-start a breakthrough season, doused the threat from promising 19-year-old Japanese Naomi Osaka 6-4, 6-2 on Rod Laver Arena.

Dane Wozniacki followed her on court and dismantled Croatia’s Donna Vekic 6-1, 6-3, barely putting a foot wrong.

Both players are angling for a maiden Grand Slam title with the winner of their clash on Saturday potentially facing sixth seed Dominika Cibulkova in the fourth round and Serena Williams in the quarters.

Coming off the back of winning the build-up Sydney International, the Sydney-born Konta has been improving by the day.

But Osaka was no pushover, having proved her credentials by making the third round of all three Grand Slams she entered in 2016.

She also made her first WTA final, at Tokyo where she lost to Wozniacki, and was named the WTA Newcomer of the Year. — AFP

Czech Republic’s Karolina Pliskova hits a return against Russia’s Anna Blinkova during their women’s singles second round match on day four of the Australian Open tennis tournament in Melbourne on Jan. 19. — AFP

A memoir by Carmen Guerrero Nakpil

The iconic historian, journalist Carmen Guerrero Nakpil’s first volume of an autobiographical trilogy series and memoir Myself, Elsewhere is a “must read.” Having read it three times over span of six years, one finds valuable insights.

It is a personal account of her childhood in 1922, the period National Artist Nick Joaquin called, “Manila’s most glittering decade” until 1945 — the year of the city’s devastating destruction. Pre-war Ermita of the ilustrado families such as the Guerrero’s had been the residential area of gentility and refinement. In contrast, the dramatic battle of 1945 brutalized and destroyed it is vividly presented. It was during that battle that entire families were massacred and women were violated then pierced by bayonets.

Flashbacks and forwards are the tools she used to provide the historical background and foreground of her family history. The book describes the romantic, bygone era — the first half of the 20th century. Its cultural frame and way of life are seen in the vignettes on historical figures and famous relatives. One reads about the manners, morals, gossip, and intrigue of the small town on Manila Bay.

Critic Manuel Quezon III wrote: “It is authenticity that makes her book so powerful, her authentic affection for so alien a way of life as to seem impossible to present day readers…This is a look back at the way people really lived, loved, even hated, with details no novelist could have invented.”

The cover of Myself, Elsewhere is a stunningly elegant and formal color portrait of the author (in her 20s) by National Artist Vicente Manansala, done in 1949. The artist had painted only three portraits in his lifetime. This luminous portrait depicts the young author in black, hands demurely clasped with a pink scarf, her worldly wise eyes gazing directly at the viewer. She is portrayed as a strong woman who has survived the war, an independent thinker and achiever.

The book features interesting maps of old Manila and cherished photographs of the family tree and the illustrious ancestors and famous brothers.

The author, “CGN” to her avid admirers, is the epitome of elegance, eloquence and wit. Definitely, an accomplished and wise woman of the world. Her personal style and old world manners are impeccable.

Her writing style is likewise effortless and impeccable. She always uses just the perfect word or turn of phrase to describe an individual or to capture a scene. She makes history so easy to read and enjoy.

Here are some excerpts:

“The year I was born, 1922, was midway in the half century of American formal rule of the Philippines, equidistant from 1898 (when Spain ceded to the US a colony it no longer held) and 1946 (when America granted independence to the Philippines). It had been only 6 years since the great revolution against Spain and the execution of Jose Rizal and barely a generation, since the First Philippine Republic and the Filipino-American War…”

“I was raised among men who had either known Rizal at the Ateneo, or watched him face the firing squad on the Luneta only a few hundred meters from their home; served in the Malolos Congress and an Aguinaldo Cabinet or fought in the war against America…”

“I write about my years in Ermita before World War II, not with the usual maudlin nostalgic weakness for the past, but in profound affection for that lost time and place. While we lived there, none of us felt that we were living better, different, portentous, or exceptional lives. The even tenor of our days was not marred by thought of our uniqueness or significance.

“The cruelty and thoroughness of its destruction are what make our Ermita precious. Alone, of all towns and districts of old Manila, it was never rebuilt or recreated. After February 1945, it was dead and buried, over and done with and it is this finiteness that has made it, like the town of Guernica in Spain, into a memory, and a symbol of all that was innocent, sweet and luminous ruthlessly sacrificed to war.”

“I understand the craze in the Philippines and in Asia for skin-whitening because its 400-year-old roots are sunk deep in racial memory. Centuries of colonial discrimination and repression on the basis of skin pigmentation have left Filipinos and other Asians, especially their women hating the way they look. They yearn for hit skin because history and their own experiences have made fair complexion the symbol of wealth, power and beauty. Few realize that it’s the ultimate denial of their identity.”

Mrs. Nakpil has published the trilogy Myself, Elsewhere (2006), Legends & Adventures and Exeunt. (Nakpil Publishing, Book design by R.G. Nakpil).

Maria Victoria Rufino is an artist, writer and businesswoman. She is president and executive producer of Maverick Productions.

mavrufino@gmail.com

45 goes to Washington

Several hours after this article’s release, Donald John Trump would have been sworn in by Chief Justice John Roberts as the 45th President of the United States of America. Coming after one of the most openly acrimonious campaigns in election history, today’s inauguration signals the renewed start of predictable escalating liberal attacks on Trump.

U.S. President-elect Donald Trump speaks to diplomats at the Presidential Inaugural Committee (PIC) Chairman’s Global Dinner in Washington, U.S. January 17, 2017. REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst

Although the question naturally asked is how Trump’s ascension could affect the Philippines. Now it’s easy to underestimate the number of people too hooked on CNN or Huff Po but I do get surprised when people get surprised when I say that Trump, coming off Obama’s disastrous presidency, may actually be good for our country.

Of course, there are caveats: any political commentator who says he knows what will happen in the next few months is lying. And we know that because we saw it happen in the 2016 US elections. Absolutely no one got it right.

From a Philippine policy perspective, I rooted for genuine conservatives: from Jeb Bush to Marco Rubio to Carly Fiorina, Bobby Jindal to Ted Cruz. Then there was Condi Rice. Basically, all the young intelligent talented politicians are with the Republicans. Which bodes well for conservatism’s future. So one can imagine the collective gasp when the primaries finished and the one left standing was Donald Trump.

Nevertheless, Trump — after the vicious head slapping that happened among conservatives in the US and worldwide, and people’s attention went back to the general elections — was still a far more palatable candidate than Hillary Clinton.

Now, it was not that Hillary was a terrible candidate. She also ran a terrible campaign. If the campaign were the actual presidency, Hillary was fiscally irresponsible, Trump wasn’t. Hillary needed 705 staffers, Trump 82. Trump spent less than a third of Obama’s 2012 campaign, Hillary spent more than double Trump’s. Hillary was certainly profligate in TV ads, hotels, and transportation. And note that Trump had to fend off 16 other Republicans, whereas Hillary’s was virtually a coronation and she still almost lost to an insurgent Bernie Sanders.

Nevertheless, Trump did have an issue favoring him. An issue graphically definable by a number (3), place (the Supreme Court), duration (at least 20 years or a generation), and impact (religious freedom, abortion, marriage, euthanasia). So perhaps for the first time in history, the US elections hinged on who should be given the right to nominate three, possibly four, Supreme Court justices (i.e., the vacancy left by Scalia, then possible retirees Kennedy, Ginsburg, and Breyer).

Which incidentally, leaves me wondering that a matter so important for the US in November 2016 was absolutely ignored by us in May 2016; considering that the victor in our presidential elections gets to appoint at least 11 new Supreme Court justices before his term is up.

Hillary’s vaunted 2 million plus popular vote lead actually reveals electoral mismanagement. Most of that were culled from California, a locked-in Democrat State. Why pour any effort into it while inexplicably failing to protect Ohio and Michigan, vulnerable battleground States particularly in the final days of the campaign? In the end, it was the Electoral College that mattered and Trump won it 306 to Hillary’s 232, a wide margin by any standard.

Which perhaps tells us that the next time we go shopping around for a leader, perhaps the smart money is to look for one who had a successful professional life outside politics.

In any event, the transition team Trump organized (criticized again by the mainstream media) looks surefooted. Definitely better than Bill Clinton’s and perhaps as efficient as George W. Bush’s (both with regard to his own transition and despite the Clintonites’; attempts to mess it up, and that for Barack Obama).

The appointments give a feel of the adults being back in the room: Haley at UN, Tillerson at State, Mattis at Defense. A Goldman Sachs man returns to Treasury with Mnuchin and a proponent of deep spending cuts (which I wish would happen here in this country, considering the ever bloating budget and constant deficit) is at the DBM in the person of Mulvaney.

Of interest is De Vos at Education and Lighthizer at USTR. At a time when our Education (and Health) officials are dithering on the question of faith and morals in the classroom, De Vos brings a welcome Christian zeal to Washington. And in Lighthizer, one sees the same policies that should be undertaken in the Philippines as well: caution on new trade deals, review existing ones and rewrite if necessary, and immediate pushback against discriminatory treatment.

Most liberals (predictably) point to the negatives: the alleged populist, protectionist rhetoric; the bizarre early morning tweets, and the seemingly compulsive bragging and bluster that would put any WWE wrestler to shame.

But perhaps like anyone else, this twice-divorced, thrice married, father of five, Wharton economics graduate, 70-year-old businessman should be given a chance.

It’s not as if we did any better.

Jemy Gatdula is the international law lecturer at the UA&P School of Law and Governance and Executive Director of the Philippine Council for Foreign Relations.

jemygatdula@yahoo.com

www.jemygatdula.blogspot.com

facebook.com/jemy.gatdula

Twitter @jemygatdula

Reuters

Refuge of scoundrels

To Samuel Johnson (born 1709; died 1784), poet, essayist and author of A Dictionary of the English Language (published in April, 1755), do we owe the observation that “Patriotism is the last refuge of the scoundrel.”

His biographer James Boswell (born 1740; died 1795) claimed that Johnson wasn’t condemning patriotism but how it was being misused by the unscrupulous to justify even the foulest of deeds. If that was indeed what Johnson meant, he was not only being astutely observant about his times; he was also being prophetic. Scoundrels have indeed used patriotism, or love of country, to justify even the worst crimes.

Johnson must have observed how the European wars of colonization and the murder of indigenous peoples in the New World that began in the 15th century were being carried out supposedly for love of country.

But Johnson couldn’t have anticipated how, in the name of patriotism as well, the leaders of Nazi Germany and their Japanese allies launched wars of aggression across the planet, killing millions in the conquered territories of Europe and Asia, but in the end bringing upon themselves the destruction and division of Germany and the nuclear bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

Neither could he have predicted that in the name of patriotism the endless wars of the lone superpower in the world have today condemned millions to want, misery, and early deaths. More than two centuries after, his observation continues to be relevant: not only is love of country, for both the unscrupulous and the clueless still a convenient excuse for acts as diverse as war, invasion, mass murder, and even genocide; it has also become their first and last refuge.

The example of the Philippines, which one suspects has more than its fair share of scoundrels, is illustrative. With love of country for their excuse have the elite, the political dynasties and various pseudo-leaders brought the country to its present state of ruin.

Emilio Aguinaldo compromised the Revolution by ridding the Katipunan of Andres Bonifacio and Antonio Luna supposedly for love of country. He and his fellow collaborators later swore allegiance to the Americans and the Japanese allegedly for the same reason. Ferdinand Marcos placed the country under Martial Law on the pretense that he was saving it, and the military supported him with its bayonets while claiming the same noble reason for doing so.

Thirty-one years after the Marcos regime was thankfully overthrown, Filipinos are once again hearing the same refrain — and worse. President Rodrigo Duterte, who’s been floating the idea for months, says that should it become necessary, he will declare Martial Law to save the country from the drug menace.

Although a lawyer, he has brushed aside as unnecessary hindrances to executive power both the Constitutionally mandated justifications for such a declaration — rebellion and invasion — as well the charter’s provisions subjecting such a declaration to congressional and Supreme Court oversight.

His spokespersons have issued the usual “clarifications,” but no one really takes them seriously, since, in Duterte’s universe, the drug problem’s turning “virulent” would justify such a declaration — that and the necessity to protect “my country.”

Note that it’s not “our country”; it’s his country. It’s as if the Philippines belonged only to him, like a piece of real estate property on which he has exclusive dominion, rather than its being the common home of 102 million souls who have their lives to live, their problems to deal with, and their rights to enjoy — the very recognition of which drove the framers of the 1987 Constitution to include in that document safeguards that would prevent lives from being wasted and rights from being abused.

The drafters of the 1987 Constitution — most of them, anyway — were moved by the assumption that what makes a country are its people, and that a country is not an abstraction independent of the lives and fortunes of the men and women who comprise it. But an abstraction divorced from its people is precisely how Duterte seems to regard “(his) country.” Does this assumption explain his indifference to the toll in lives and human rights of his obsession with drugs, drugs, drugs — and his looking at them as of no moment and even as necessary to protect a phantasm he calls “my country?”

Duterte also said during one of his frequent and endless public soliloquies that nothing can stop him from declaring Martial Law should he want to do so; that he would do so not for reasons of rebellion and/ or invasion, and that he would not submit to Congressional and Supreme Court constraints.

In addition to declarations of lawless intent, those statements are tantamount to a proclamation that the people’s rights and lives don’t matter. Those constraints were put in place, not by the fears of the Corazon Aquino government as he alleged, but by the framers of the 1987 Constitution, acting in behalf of the people, in the hope that they could thus prevent a repeat of the arbitrary arrests, the torture, the enforced disappearances — and yes, the extrajudicial killings — that practically defined Filipino existence during the 14 years that the Martial Law terror regime of Ferdinand Marcos was in place.

Without the safeguards absent in the 1936 Constitution that allowed Marcos to declare Martial Law without being accountable to anyone, another such episode, the framers of the 1987 Constitution understood so well, would once more open the floodgates of police and military abuses against the people.

In short, the primary reason for those safeguards’ inclusion in the Constitution was patriotism — but patriotism of the authentic kind, in which love of country is deeply rooted in love and respect for the rights of the people without whom there is no “country” only an archipelago in the Pacific rim shredded into 7,000 islands.

Duterte has also implied that what’s in the law, including the Constitution, is more often observed in the breach rather than the observance, implying (again) that he’s therefore free to do whatever he pleases. While that’s true enough, shouldn’t the President of the Republic be the first to demonstrate to the people that the laws protective of their rights are vital to the survival of Philippine society?

Perhaps he also has to be reminded that he’s now President of the Philippines because, as mandated by law, he was elected to that post, and what’s more, pledged in his oath of office to defend the Constitution and to do justice to every man.

As imperfect as the Constitution may be, it is still under its auspices that power over the entire machinery of governance has been delegated to him — not by an abstraction, but by the people, each of whom is an individual endowed with inalienable rights. Only in recognition of that fact, rather than in making frequent threats to declare Martial Law, and in effect encouraging lawlessness, would his expressions of patriotic fervor assume both honesty and legitimacy.

Luis V. Teodoro is on Facebook and Twitter (@luisteodoro). The views expressed in Vantage Point are his own and do not represent the views of the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility.

www.luisteodoro.com

3 ex-Shell execs file perjury charge vs 2 ex-Customs officials

THREE former executives of Pilipinas Shell Petroleum Corp., including the past chairman of all Shell companies in the country, have filed a criminal complaint against a former customs commissioner and two others for lying under oath.

Former Customs Commissioner Napoleon L. Morales, former Port of Batangas Collector Juan N. Tan and one Lourdes M. Aclan of Batangas were alleged to have committed four counts of perjury, a criminal offense punishable by imprisonment.

“In a desperate attempt to give a semblance of validity to what is otherwise a frivolous and baseless complaint, the respondents deliberately and willfully made blatantly false statements which are material to sustain their trumped up charges,” said complainants Edgar O. Chua, who previously led Pilipinas Shell, and former company executives Nigel T. Avila and Roberto S. Kanapi.

The three filed their complaint on Jan. 4, 2017 at the Quezon City Prosecutor’s Office after they were accused by the respondents of illegal importation and violation of Republic Act 3019 or the Graft and Corrupt Practices Act in a complaint filed with the Office of the Ombudsman last year.

The respondents also cited former President Benigno S. C. Aquino III and former Finance Secretary Cesar V. Purisima for allowing the company to do so.

However, the former Pilipinas Shell executives pointed out that the respondents did not submit any proof to support their allegations that the company misdeclared their importation of catalytic cracked gasoline and light catalytic to evade the payment of taxes.

They also cited other “bald-faced lies” and “absolute falsehood” including a claim that Mr. Aquino and Mr. Purisima allowed the non-payment of taxes, which happened months before they assumed their respective posts.

Let it flow

If the Duterte administration’s 10-point Economic Plan was the road map, then we now have the beginnings of a road.

The Department of Trade and Industry and Board of Investments (BoI) have just unveiled their new Investment Priorities Plan (IPP) for the next 3 years.

This evolving granularity carries that germ of a campaign promise: to make growth more inclusive, by reflecting the ambitious poverty reduction target from 21% to 16% on the back of a robust GDP growth projection of 7%-8% from 2018-2022.

The road is looking more like an arterial network stretching away from the clutches of Imperial Manila and larger corporates.

The 2017-2019 IPP, in its own preamble, will be “accessible to all Filipinos, particularly those who remain poor.” You have here a more inclusive business model, and a deliberate focus outside Manila. In parallel contrast, the PPP projects under the Aquino administration showed 80% of them in the megalopolis.

At work are centrifugal forces of decentralized, rural growth, SME development cast across a litany of key sectors, and a few do stand out:

  • Strategic Services, which include integrated circuit design, higher value IT-BPM, avionics, E-vehicles, waste treatment, Advanced EPC (engineering, procurement, construction), and as a call for better and broader telecoms — incentives for new players alone;
  • Infrastructure and Logistics, decentralized to promote Public-Private Partnership agreements at the local government unit (LGU) level;
  • Health Care, including a welcome focus on promoting drug rehabilitation centers (more in the next column);
  • Mass Housing, which specifically mandates a reduced cost of P2 million (down from the P3-million threshold; inflation be damned); and, as if investors haven’t gotten it by now:
  • SME and Rural Development, and save for modernization/upgrades of existing facilities, BoI registration and incentives will only be given to “projects located outside Metro Manila.”

Case in point: Even the sacrosanct BPO Sector isn’t getting kid gloves here, with the latest draft envisioning contact centers and non-voice business processing activities located in Metro Manila losing their investment perks by 2020.

While majority of existing BPO locators are registered in another entity, one may assume that the new PEZA Director General, herself a proud Mindanawon, may fall in line to make that message clear.

Overall, and per the BoI, the overriding criteria for making the cut will be: 1) employment generation, 2) investment and 3) technology transfer.

This reflects, as a Cambridge professor once posited, the potency of Structured Agency, roughly translated by an unworthy postgrad as: a platform where interactive change can happen in an optimal, far-reaching way. Indeed, channeling investments is like directing a water hose and sprinkler to which flower bed you want to nurture. Or, on a more relatable level, choosing from the supposedly hip, familiar friends that eventually hold you back, or spending time with underrated introverts that — to paraphrase a jiujitsu coach, are good for you, good to you, or good for your growth.

That, the Cabinet’s economic cluster and technocrats have done arguably well. Beyond the IPP, we see a more progressive set of tax reforms reflecting greater social justice; unheralded but potent sectors like agriculture and manufacturing getting a much-needed vitamin shot; and, foundational issues like responsible parenthood given some spine while keeping conscience clauses intact.

Well and good. But before we take a swig of the Kool-Aid, let’s look at the unpaved part of the pathway.

One of those technocrats, Socioeconomic Planning Secretary Ernesto Pernia, came over to the studio this week. He stood pat on NEDA’s stance that total investment levels need to rise to 30% of GDP, higher than the already ambitious 24% target for 2022, before the country can be welcomed into the fold of advanced economies where incomes sustain living standards and where poverty fades to a minor ailment versus the pandemic it’s been in the Philippines for too long.

However, the bulk of that ammunition is expected to come from the private sector, even with unprecedented government spending.

Currently, 80% of private investment is from domestic sources. While net FDI inflows are on track to hit the central bank’s $6.7-billion forecast for the year, it shrank 59% in October, the 2nd straight month of decline. Not to mention that the year-end figure will get its biggest boost — about a third of the final projection — from commitments in April — during the Aquino administration, and right before the dust settled on the eventual winner. Despite the noise, there is some momentum that can be built on: the Economist Corporate Network’s latest Business Outlook shows 39% of international executives said they would still increase investment in the Philippines, vs. four percent who plan to retreat. Not too shabby, but still nothing to write home about given the external risks on both sides of the pond.

Pernia, who already rocked the boat with his carry-over push from academic to policy maker for his push for comprehensive reproductive health services, went at it again. The NEDA Director General advocated in no uncertain terms, the liberalization of key economic sectors to level the playing field and maximize long-term growth.

That puts the onus on Congress not to be ham-handed on Constitutional reform — lest the more prosaic economic provisions get overwhelmed in the lust for political restructuring and federalism (subject for another column).

BoI Managing Director Ceferino Rodolfo, expects 2017 investment levels to eclipse last year’s by 13% to breach the P500-billion mark, the highest in this century.

But why stop there?

Going back to the clumsy postgrad student, his dissertation does have some redeeming factors and can be downloaded below: http://cambridge.academia.edu/QuintinVPastrana

This columnist argues it is the next best thing to a prescription pill for insomnia and this new age of anxiety.

In all seriousness, here are three key findings, both conceptually, and empirically from countries that resemble us most economically and culturally:

• While one can argue that money regardless of source is still money, foreign investment is critical not just in terms of volume but potency: FDI to bring the advantages of tech transfer, global supply chain linkages, and competition to drive growth, innovation, and inclusive development.

• And, as a prelude to this columnist’s next installment, a quote used during its defense and subsequent industry presentations: “The essence of tyranny is not iron law. It is capricious law.” (Christopher Hitchens). Having worked for a Fortune 100 global corporation, a senator who helped ratify the country’s entry into the WTO and liberalize its banking sector; and helped a Trade secretary during a congressional stint to craft investment reforms in energy and technology, one common thing stands out. Investors do not need you to bend over backward ’till you bend yourself out of shape. They do not need for you, to use the old vernacular image: to give up even your grandmother’s urinola (bedpan) to make them come, spend, and stay.

• Securing and sustaining investment, as the data and real life investment treaty, dispute, and sustainability experiences globally have shown, is about being consistent, predictable, providing fair recourse when disputes occur as they usually do. You don’t liberalize everything to the hilt while providing nothing by way of enhancing competitiveness when a more level playing field finally sees worthy counterparts for oligarchs, monopolies, duopolies, or protected interests.

You do, as the Toltecs profess, the following: be impeccable with your word. Don’t assume. Never take anything personally. Always do your best.

It’s a good code for investment promotion, institution, or individual: a tried and tested way to engage, and to live well — which is the end game these policies aim for to begin with.

I’m sure we’ll find a local counterpart to make things stick. For now, with the IPP, we have something that is less catchy, more wonky, but can make a difference. And with it, the chance to buckle down to live good governance, cut the diatribes, detours, death squads, and devious plots — and galvanize the country towards inclusive development for all.

Quintin V. Pastrana is an anchor and associate producer at Bloomberg TV Philippines

Martial law provisions must be ‘retooled’: Sol-Gen

SOLICITOR-GENERAL Jose C. Calida on Thursday said the Constitution must be “retooled” regarding its provisions limiting the scope and presidential authority of martial law.

“We have to retool it. We have to make it work kasi (because) if some Constitutional provisions do not work under an emergency situation, then we have a problem,” Mr. Calida said addressing reporters in Malacanang on Thursday.

The state lawyer was referring to the martial law provisions under Article VII, Section 18 on the Executive Department which significantly limited the president’s authority, since the authors of the 1987 Constitution were evidently guided, at the time, by the country’s experience with martial rule under the dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos.

In contrast to Mr. Marcos’s indefinite enforcement of martial law under the 1935 Constitution, the martial law provisions under the present charter are limited by an extendable time frame of 60 days and are contingent upon congressional authority. Mr. Marcos’ martial law government, on the other hand, padlocked Congress and suspended the Constitution.

Mr. Calida said the present Constitution is a “reflex” action to the people’s experience under Mr. Marcos. “So it was not a normal situation when they drafted the Constitution,” he said, even as he added the martial law provisions should still have safeguards.

“In other words, the medicine must be sufficient to cure the disease,” Mr. Calida said. — Ian Nicolas P. Cigaral

Hope as communist peace talks open: Gov’t

THE PHILIPPINES expressed hope Thursday of securing a permanent cease-fire deal with communist rebels waging one of Asia’s longest insurgencies, as peace talks resumed in Italy.

The communists have been waging a “national democratic revolution” since 1968 to overthrow a capitalist system that has created one of Asia’s biggest rich-poor divides and claimed 30,000 lives, according to the military.

A new round of negotiations began in Rome on Thursday, with the government’s chief negotiator Silvestre Bello saying long-standing contentious issues could be “hurdled.”

“I am one with President (Rodrigo) Duterte’s optimism that in this round of talks, we are able to finalize and approve the joint cease-fire agreement,” Mr. Bello said at the opening of the talks.

“There are reasons to hope we can hurdle the task.”

Mr. Duterte, 71, said it was his “dream” to secure a lasting peace deal within his six-year term.

After assuming office in June last year, the self-styled socialist launched the peace process and appointed three communists to his Cabinet.

Both sides agreed to a temporary cease-fire during talks in Norway last August.

The government said then it was aiming for a final peace deal within 12 months.

However the communists said this week they would need at least two more years after negotiators agreed on a series of economic and political reforms before even beginning “serious discussions” on a final peace pact.

On Thursday, the communists” chief negotiator Fidel Agcaoili pointed out “serious obstacles” in the talks as he reiterated the rebels’ demand that nearly 400 jailed guerrillas be released.

Mr. Duterte last year released 18 top leaders to kick-start the peace process but had refused to free the rest, calling them his “aces” in a “poker game.”

“It is a matter of justice and an obligation of the (government),” Mr. Agcaoili said.

“Neither should the political prisoners be treated as trump cards to extract concessions from the (communists). Such conduct is bound to further erode mutual trust and confidence.”

In the week-long talks in Rome, negotiators will discuss some of the toughest and most complicated issues involving political, economic and constitutional reforms at the heart of the communists’ grievances.

Despite the challenges, the communists understand their best chance for securing most of their goals is during the presidency of Mr. Duterte, who has pivoted his nation’s foreign policy away from the United States towards China. — AFP

Duterte blasts Church anew

ON THE HEELS of his letter to Pope Francis, President Rodrigo R. Duterte continued on Thursday his attack on the Catholic Church for criticizing his bloody drug war.

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte stresses a point at a ‘Narco list’, which names people involved in the illegal drug trade, while addressing the newly promoted officials of the Philippine National Police (PNP) at the Malacanang presidential palace in metro Manila, Philippines January 19, 2017. REUTERS/Romeo Ranoco

Mr. Duterte made his remarks during the oathtaking ceremony of 73 newly promoted officials of the Philippine National Police (PNP) at Malacanang, where he also reaffirmed his vow to protect cops in his war on drugs.

Kayong mga pari, mga obispo, ang gaganda ng suot ninyo, mga kotse, meron ba kayong isang bahay lang maski limang kwarto para rehab? (Those priests, bishops, all of you have beautiful clothes, cars, but do you have a house with at least five rooms for rehabilitation),” Mr. Duterte said, adding that the church had done nothing despite the “millions” of donations it gets every Sunday.

Ngayon, gusto niyong matapos ang patayan? All you have to do is to preach kasi karamihan dito, Katoliko. Kung mahusay ka na pari, ipaintindi mo, mamatay ka o umalis ka sa droga. A di nakakatulong pa kayo (Now, you want all the killings to stop? All you have to do is to preach because most people here are Catholics. If you’re a good priest, make them understand that you will die if you do not leave drugs. And then you will be of some use),” he also said.

‘MOLESTED BOYS’
Mr. Duterte said the Catholic Church had no moral ascendancy to “lecture” him and criticize his brutal war on drugs because they “cannot give justice to the small boys that you have molested in the past.”

“You expose me, fine. Ako mag-expose sa inyo (I will be the one to expose you). Bakit yung mali ninyo, okay lang, kami hindi (Why is your sins are okay, ours not)? Bullshit,” he said.

On Wednesday, Mr. Duterte sent a letter to Pope Francis to thank him for visiting the Philippines in 2015.

“Your Holiness, with profound respect, I have the honor to extend my own and my people’s warmest greetings to Your Holiness,” he wrote in his letter.

In a Facebook post, Peace Process Adviser Jesus G. Dureza quoted Pope Francis as saying: “I will also bless your President.”

Since taking office on June 30 last year, Mr. Duterte’s intense crackdown on narcotics has taken the lives of more than 5,000 alleged drug personalities, including those he acknowledged recently as “collateral damage.”

International criticisms have mounted over the spate of killings under Mr. Duterte’s government.

Meanwhile, Mr. Duterte yesterday met with the country’s governors at Malacanang to get their cooperation in his anti-narcotics campaign, where he was “calmer” compared to his previous meeting with town mayors in the same venue last week, PNP Director-General Ronald “Bato” M. dela Rosa said in an interview.

“He (Duterte) gave the same message he delivered to mayors, he’s appealing to the governors na tulungan siya sa (to help him in his) war on drugs,” Mr. Dela Rosa said.

Mas kalmado (He was calmer), more on appeal, not more on threat,” he said of the President’s mood during the meeting.

President Rodrigo R. Duterte stresses a point as he points at a “narco-list.” — Reuters

China: Duterte to visit again

PHILIPPINE President Rodrigo R. Duterte will visit China in May to attend a multilateral summit, China’s foreign ministry said on Thursday, making his second visit to Beijing since taking office as he seeks to further distance himself from Washington.

Mr. Duterte’s aide Christopher T. Go confirmed on Thursday Mr. Duterte’s trip.

Mr. Duterte has carried out a stunning U-turn in the Philippines’ foreign policy since assuming office last year, making overtures towards China while berating traditional ally the United States.

In a statement issued after Mr. Duterte met China’s Vice-Foreign Minister Liu Zhenmin in Manila on Tuesday, the Chinese foreign ministry said Mr. Duterte said he was pleased with how ties had developed since he came to China last year.

“I will come to Beijing in May to attend the ‘One Belt, One Road’ international cooperation summit forum, and I look forward to meeting President Xi Jinping again,” the ministry paraphrased Mr. Duterte as saying, without elaborating.

Both sides agreed that territorial disputes in the South China Sea were a “small part” of bilateral relations and to set up a bilateral consultation mechanism to deal with issues that arise in the region, Chinese foreign ministry Spokeswoman Hua Chunying said on Thursday at a regular press briefing.

China has given few details about the summit, but diplomatic sources in Beijing say the government is expected to invite a large number of foreign leaders to attend.

China has dubbed a series of infrastructure projects stretching across some 60 countries as the ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative, based upon resurrecting the old Silk Road that once connected China with Central Asia, Europe and beyond.

Mr. Duterte reiterated last month he wanted to avoid confrontation with China and saw no need to press Beijing to abide by a July ruling on China’s claims in the disputed South China Sea that went in favor of the Philippines. — Reuters, with I.N.P. Cigaral

High turnover of new hires

We’re having trouble in hiring and maintaining the loyalty of our key personnel. This is due to many factors rooted in the employees’ dissatisfaction level with so many things, mainly caused by our highly pressurized work environment, including our toxic bosses requiring people to work overtime even during weekends and holidays. Our HR manager suggests that we always emphasize both the advantages and disadvantages of working in our organization to applicants during the job interview process. Is he correct? — Troubled Mind.

Your HR manager is absolutely right. But let me put it this way. The best possible orientation of new employees should be done during the hiring process, and not on the first week, if not the first month of on-boarding. Otherwise, it’s already too late for the new employee to back out as he may have already resigned from his current employer.

That’s the essence of “realistic job previews” as opposed to the traditional hiring process where the emphasis of hiring managers and everyone in the organization is to sell the positive side of the organization while at the same, ignoring or keeping under wraps the real work situation.

This approach creates unrealistic expectations on the part of the new hires that could cause costly turnover, not to mention the wasted time, effort, and some money in the hiring process by the employer.

Sometimes, prospective employers exaggerate the benefits of working in their company, in the hope of getting new employees on board at the soonest possible time. The trouble is that, the sooner the new hires got to know of the real work situation, like experiencing first-hand the management style of a difficult boss, they become dissatisfied faster than the ink drying on their employment contract.

Ultimately, the employer and the applicants both become losers without realizing what hit them. As one example, the individual employee suffers career disruption and lost income in between jobs, while the employer bears the cost of lost productivity, and the additional burden of having to recruit again.

The “realistic job previews” when done objectively by a prospective employer to job applicants for key positions and sensitive posts is one solution to solving the high turnover rate of new hires. Here are some ideas that you can try for size:

One is to arrange for a plant visit and office tour for a group of applicants for different positions. This is much more objective and far more realistic than the videos or audio-visual presentations done by actors and actresses, instead of employees. To see is to believe. The plant tour is also current and there’s no need for management to offer a flimsy excuse that the video is outdated.

Two is a short interview with the union president and other labor officials. This approach is beneficial for everyone to discover their satisfaction or dissatisfaction level of employees with the organization. This is helpful if you’re hiring for the vacant post of the head of human resource department or other key department heads. It is best to arrange a “meet-and-greet” opportunity with union officials so that the applicants may decide if such job vacancy is worth pursuing.

Three is to arrange for all department heads to conduct a wolf-pack interview. It is a form of a job stress interview where the applicant or applicants are subjected in a simulated win-lose debate on the best possible answer or actual action or solution to a similar management issue in the organization. No, this approach does not include asking about the weaknesses of an applicant, but uses scare tactics like yelling and other intimidation techniques on the applicant.

Once again, these techniques may only apply if you’re doing the hiring process of applicants for key positions. You don’t have to do this in the case of entry-level positions and those jobs that are easy to fill-up.

When people join an organization, they must learn the ropes quickly and become familiar with the way things are done. That’s why the first six months of employment are often crucial in determining how well some new employees are going to fit and perform the job in the long term. The “probationary” employment is the time when the original expectations of the new employer and new employees are tested for long-lasting work relationship.

However, most of the time, six months is too short for some people. And to maximize learning the potential of an excellent work relationship, such must be verified during the hiring process.

ELBONOMICS: “Stressed” when spelled backwards is “desserts” that must be enjoyed by anyone.

elbonomics@gmail.com

Aboitiz Group preparing fifth generation for key leadership positions

THE Aboitiz group is preparing 11 fifth-generation family members as its next set of leaders within the next two years when a number of senior officials retire, people handling the conglomerate’s leadership training said.

On Jan. 19, companies under holding firm Aboitiz Equity Ventures (AEV) are to send their top officials to what will become an annual leaders conference, which is one of many initiatives geared at preparing young family members for their future roles.

“We wanted to bring together all the 180 leaders across the Aboitiz group to start to think of leadership as a collective effort,” said Mia B. Zamora, AEV assistant vice-president for talent optimization.

“We want to promote that awareness of collective leadership and we also want it to be a learning experience for them, that’s why we brought in Bob Anderson,” she said, referring to Robert L. Anderson, chairman and chief development officer of The Leadership Circle.

Mr. Anderson said leadership training for corporate leaders needs “a more comprehensive approach,” which he said involves a process of transformation that requires them to make a “profound shift to gain a deeper understanding of themselves, the world, and their relationship to others.”

Participants in the conference are the top officials of Aboitiz-led companies, from chief executives and presidents down to vice-presidents.

The Aboitiz group is probably the “most ready organization I’ve encountered here and coming at it in a way which is much more like what you’d see in a first world country,” said Cliff Scott, director of The Leadership Circle, a consultancy.

Ms. Zamora said the fifth generation Aboitiz family members fall within an age range of 25 to around 43 years old. They have completed their college studies, worked previously in non-Aboitiz companies, or joined the conglomerate as management trainees.

“There is one who is joining us very soon, like in a few days. He will be the youngest. His name is Julian Aboitiz. Usually, they start out with us as management trainees, so we don’t know yet where he will be assigned,” she said.

Management training with the human resources department gives the newcomer a chance to be assigned to various projects and departments. His eventual role depends on discussions with the organization’s leaders, which will also cover his educational background and “the best fit” for him.

“They will give them [trainees] six months to a year to rotate,” she said. “Their preference is considered but it’s really a collaborative decision… They can’t pick any job.”

Previously the youngest of the group was Jaime Moraza, 27, who works as market risk manager for SN Aboitiz Power, the joint venture of SN Power of Norway and Aboitiz Power Corp.

The eldest at 44 years old is Cebu-based Anton Perdices, chief operating officer of Visayan Electric Co.

Ms. Zamora listed the rest as Carlos Aboitiz in power generation, Rafa de Mesa and Eduardo Aboitiz in real estate, Danel Aboitiz in the oil business, Ana Aboitiz-Delgado in banking, William Paradies and Jokin Aboitiz in the food group, and Sandro and Tristan Aboitiz in corporate finance.

Jaime is the son of Antonio R. Moraza, president and chief operating officer of AboitizPower. A child of Erramon I. Aboitiz, AEV president and chief executive officer, has yet to enter the business.

“Usually what happens is they finish college. They work first in different companies [outside the Aboitiz group], sometimes abroad, they join the company and some years later they can go to graduate school. They have those options,” Ms. Zamora said.

Asked about the next vacant position to be filled by a fifth generation Aboitiz, she said there was “no definite move yet, but we’re experiencing — like many other companies in the Philippines — what we call an executive retirement stage where a large number of them are all retiring at the same time.”

Ms. Zamora said several executives are nearing 60 years old in the next two years “so there’s a greater demand to develop from within our talent.”

“It doesn’t matter where in the group we get them as long as we are able to accelerate leadership, that’s why we’re investing in these efforts in leadership development,” she said.

She said the organization “is very objective” when it assesses the chances of a non-Aboitiz to move up the ladder, adding that family ties are not a factor.

“Of course, they do have development plans for the fifth [generation] but when choosing a successor for a role, it’s all fair, it’s all objective,” she said.

The highest position currently filled by a non-Aboitiz is chief financial officer for AEV, held by Manuel R. Lozano, and executive vice-president and chief operation officer of AboitizPower’s power generation group, held by Emmanuel V. Rubio. — Victor V. Saulon