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PCCI asks government to make healthcare investment more enticing

THE Philippine Chamber of Commerce and Industry (PCCI) called on the government to create a business environment that will attract investment in the healthcare system.

It proposed developing new sunrise industries in health infrastructure, the digital economy, essentials manufacturing, and research after the pandemic, PCCI President Benedicto V. Yujuico said in an online business conference Thursday.

“With the continuing increase in the number of COVID-19 cases, our health infrastructure gaps are being highlighted,” he said.

“It is therefore imperative for our government to provide an environment, including incentives for research and development, that will attract (the) private sector to invest in the healthcare system.”

Mr. Yujuico added that the country must transition to a digital economy to adapt to the changes in the business environment.

He said strengthening the business environment involves accelerating the automation and integration of government transactions for permits and licenses.

The PCCI continues to back economic stimulus measures, as well as the bill proposing to immediately cut the corporate income tax to 25%.

The country’s largest business organization also supports infrastructure development, including airport and railway projects in North and Central Luzon.

Mr. Yujuico added that the government must build supply chains, and repurpose businesses to address current concerns.

“The Philippines’ 110 million population represents a huge domestic market and can be a good platform for the development of a Filipino-led global value chain,” he said. — Jenina P. Ibañez

PHL livestock output declines in second quarter

LIVESTOCK production by volume fell in the second quarter with declines nearly across the board, with the exception of the chicken egg industry, according to the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA).

The PSA said hog production on a live-weight basis fell 5.2% year on year to 550,017 metric tons (MT) in the second quarter.

Central Luzon was the top hog producer, accounting for 19% or 104,431 MT, followed by CALABARZON (Cavite, Laguna, Batangas, Rizal, and Quezon) at 16% or 87,897 MT, and Northern Mindanao at 9.2% or 50,847 MT.

As of July 1, the hog population rose 7.6% year on year to 11.74 million head.

Backyard raisers accounted for 66.5% or 7.80 million head while commercial farms had 33.5% or 3.94 million.

The average farmgate price of hog fell 3.4% year on year to P106.08 per kilogram.

Chicken production by live weight fell 7.8% year on year to 439,996 MT.

Central Luzon was the top chicken producer, accounting for 35.2% or 155,052 MT, followed by CALABARZON at 18.7% or 82,443 MT, and Northern Mindanao at 9% or 39,811 MT.

As of July 1, total chicken inventory fell 2.7% year on year to 186.47 million birds.

The average farmgate price of broiler chicken from commercial farms fell 9.5% year on year to P67.45 per kilogram.

Chicken egg production rose 4.9% year on year to 148,453 MT.

CALABARZON was the top chicken egg producer, accounting for 31.2% or 46,327 MT, followed by Central Luzon at 19.3% or 28,587 MT, and Northern Mindanao at 9.3% or 13,838 MT.

The average farmgate of chicken eggs rose 19.5% year on year to P5.56 per piece.

Cattle production by live weight fell 29.5% year on year to 45,995 MT.

Northern Mindanao was the top cattle producer, accounting for 18.4% or 8,473 MT, followed by CALABARZON at 17.8% or 8,173 MT, and the Ilocos Region at 11.7% or 5,402 MT.

The cattle inventory rose 1.4% year on year to 2.60 million head.

Backyard raisers accounted for 94% of total output at 2.44 million head while commercial farms raised 6% or 155,521 head.

The average farmgate price of cattle rose 8.4% year on year to P120.73 per kilogram. — Revin Mikhael D. Ochave

PHL-UK trade talks identify aerospace, electronics as priorities

THE PHILIPPINES and the UK plan to strengthen their economic partnership to increase investments in key sectors like aerospace and electronics.

The two countries, represented by the Trade department and British Ambassador to the Philippines Daniel Pruce, on Aug. 19 held their first economic dialogue since the start of the lockdowns declared to contain the pandemic, the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) said in a statement Thursday.

“Both countries reaffirm their commitment through a Joint Partnership Statement that will boost bilateral trade and investment (and) encourage increased investments in key sectors such as aerospace, electronics, automotive and pharmaceuticals; pursue innovation and industrial collaboration,” the DTI said.

The DTI also said that the partnership will support the development of micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises and support the use of the UK Prosperity Fund in areas like health, education, low-carbon energy, infrastructure, finance, business environment, intellectual property, and digital economy.

“Engaging the UK bilaterally is strategically important at this crucial time as they implement their independent trade regime and as we ramp up international cooperation towards recovery from the effects of the pandemic. This dialogue is the perfect avenue for us to lay the building blocks for a stronger and closer economic relationship in the future,” Trade Undersecretary Ceferino S. Rodolfo said.

British Chamber of Commerce of the Philippines Executive Director Chris Nelson said in a phone interview that the chamber supports the partnership.

He said he also backs economic stimulus measures that can help attract investments after the pandemic, including bills like the Retail Trade Liberalization Act and the Public Service Act.

“While they’re doing these discussions… we have to be aware of the current economic challenges facing the Philippines,” he said.

“We have to be cognizant of the current situation that we’re in. I don’t know if that was discussed, but obviously we and many other chambers feel that we need a stimulus plan.” — Jenina P. Ibañez

DA reorganizes hog industry data compilation

A JOINT COMMITTEE has been established to consolidate hog industry data in order to better manage emerging animal diseases such as the African Swine Fever (ASF), according to the Department of Agriculture (DA).

Agriculture Secretary William D. Dar signed a special order that created the committee, which will harmonize hog production data, after reported discrepancies between data from the private sector and those generated by the government.

“The creation of the joint committee is a result of a collaborative effort between our private sector stakeholders and DA officials. I am optimistic that by working together to supply updated data, it will transform into responsive policies and decisions that will help the swine industry,” Mr. Dar said.

The joint committee will be composed of representatives from the DA, the Pork Producers Federation of the Philippines (ProPork), National Federation of Hog Farmers, Inc., and San Miguel Foods, Inc., among others.

The creation of the committee was in response to a recommendation by the private sector to gain a better picture of the sow population and hog losses due to the ASF outbreak.

In a July 14 meeting, stakeholders noted the inconsistencies in the Philippine Statistics Authority and Bureau of Animal Industry data. — Revin Mikhael D. Ochave

Coronavirus cases top 178,000 with death toll nearing 3,000

THE Department of Health (DoH) reported 4,339 new coronavirus infections on Thursday, bringing the total to 178,022.

The death toll rose 2,883 after 88 more patients died, while recoveries increased by 727 to 114,114, it said in a bulletin.

There were 61,025 active cases, 91.3% of which were mild, 6.6% did not show symptoms, 0.9% were severe and 1.2% were critical, the agency said.

Out of the new cases, 3,213 were reported in the past 14 days, mostly from Metro Manila with 1,737 cases, it added. The other 223 came from Laguna, 155 from Cavite, 128 from Cebu and 109 from Rizal.

The new cases came from tests done by 100 out of 109 licensed laboratories.

Forty-two of the new reported deaths came from Central Visayas, 34 from Metro Manila, five from Western Visayas, four from the Calabarzon region and one each from Ilocos, Zamboanga Peninsula and the Cordillera Administrative region, DoH said.

It said it had tested more than 2 million people for the coronavirus.

Meanwhile, DoH dismissed a report by the Ateneo de Manila University’s Department of Economics that almost three million COVID-19 (coronavirus disease 2019) cases in the Philippines had not been reported.

Health Undersecretary Maria Rosario S. Vergeire said the agency would look at the Ateneo data released on Wednesday.

“They were basing their estimations with the case fatality rate if I am not mistaken,” she told an online news briefing. “We have referred it to our experts and epidemiologists.”

She questioned the research method of comparing cases in the Philippines with those of other countries in the region.

About 2.81 million people might have been infected with the coronavirus from April to June, but only 34,354 or 1.22% were detected and reported, according Jan Frederick Cruz, who wrote the study.

He also said Indonesia might have had 6.58 million cases, but it only detected 53,678 or 0.82%. Thailand might have had 89,357 cases, but only detected 1.7% or 1,520, and Malaysia might have had 158,237, but only detected 3.8% or 6,011.

While Indonesia may have more estimated cases, discounting the effect of population size “highlights the Philippines as the worst performer among the ASEAN-5 in controlling the spread of COVID-19,” Mr. Cruz said.

The Philippines has been under various levels of lockdown since mid-March, that are changed every 15 days if needed.

Meanwhile, DoH said people should observe health standards because a lockdown is not the only solution to contain the pandemic.

“We cannot remain to be in lockdown forever,” Ms. Vergeire said. “We have to balance health and economics.”

She added that the effects of the modified enhanced community quarantine in the capital region from Aug. 14 to 18 would be seen in the next few weeks.

Metro Manila went back to a general community quarantine on Wednesday despite a fresh surge in infections.

Also on Thursday, the palace said the government would keep the limit of 10 people for gatherings including religious meetings after a Manila bishop asked it to reconsider the decision.

Mr. Roque said religious meetings across the world became hotbeds for coronavirus outbreaks. “We can go online in the meantime and observe the 10-person limit, which is temporary,” he said. — Charmaine A. Tadalan and Gillian M. Cortez

Airline regulator seeks to expand passenger rights

THE AIRLINE regulator is considering expanding the rights of travelers especially during force majeure as part of a plan to change passengers’ bill of rights.

The revision would make it in keeping with the times, Civil Aeronautics Board Executive Director Carmelo L. Arcilla said.

“It may be time to revise the air passenger bill of rights to make it more relevant to current developments,” he said at an online briefing on Thursday. “We are looking for more support for passengers at any time, under any circumstances.”

Mr. Arcilla noted that under present rules, airlines have limited responsibility to passengers in case flights are canceled due to force majeure.

The agency, which regulates the economic aspect of air transportation, is seeking to expand the support that airlines must give to passengers.

Mr. Arcilla also said the outlook for the aviation sector remained bleak because of the coronavirus pandemic.

There have only been 800 international flights from Manila since June 1 compared with 47,224 flights a year earlier, he said.

The projected recovery was unlikely to come until after four years, Mr. Arcilla said, citing the International Civil Aviation Organization. — Arjay L. Balinbin

Deployment ban on health workers stays amid health crisis

A GOVERNMENT order barring Filpino health workers from leaving the country amid a coronavirus pandemic remains in place, the presidential palace said on Thursday.

Only health workers with perfected and signed overseas employment contracts as of March 8 would be allowed to leave the country, Presidential Spokesman Harry L. Roque told an online news briefing.

An inter-agency task force has issued an order reiterating the deployment ban originally ordered by the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) on April 2.

POEA suspended the deployment of doctors and nurses while the country is in a state of national emergency.

Also covered by the ban are microbiologists, molecular biologists, medical technologists, clinical analysts, respiratory therapists, pharmacists, laboratory and X-ray technicians, nursing aids, medical equipment operators, health supervisors and hospital equipment repair men.

POEA also suspended negotiations for government-to-government deployment of health workers.

It said the country’s health facilities, personnel and other resources are under severe strain due to the rising number of persons affected by the COVID-19 virus, according to the order signed by Labor Secretary Silvestre H. Bello III, who heads the POEA board.

Mr. Roque has said the suspension made sense because “charity begins at home,” especially after medical frontliners sought a “timeout” to prevent the collapse of the country’s healthcare capacity. The country is in dire need of health professionals, he added.

The Department of Health (DoH) earlier said it would create a rapid response team of trained medical workers to ease the healthcare overload, seeking assistance from health workers in the provinces and those returning from overseas.

DoH said it would enforce a coordinated response against the coronavirus pandemic, including engaging communities to promote prevention, house-to-house symptom checks to look for active cases and swab testing of people showing symptoms.

A roadmap and technical assistance will be provided to local governments for effective contact tracing, the agency said, adding that about 50,000 more contact tracers should be hired. — Gillian M. Cortez

Nationwide round-up

Industry seeks IATF representation

BUSINESSES want to be represented in the government’s task force against the coronavirus.

The Philippine Chamber of Commerce and Industry (PCCI) on Thursday said businesses have on-the-ground experience that can help the inter-agency task force made up of Cabinet members decide on the right approach to the reopening of businesses.

The country’s largest business organization wants the government to allow economic activities to resume and address the limited mobility of the workforce amid travel restrictions. It also cited local government rules that go against task force guidelines.

They also asked the government to address impractical standards for the workplace, lower consumer confidence and liquidity issues.

“Mandating the use of face shields for workers, the observance of a two-meter physical distancing and the designation of an isolation area of one room for every 200 employees is simply not realistic in a production-line setting,” PCCI President Benedicto V. Yujuico said.

The Labor and Trade departments last week released more safety rules in the workplace to contain a coronavirus pandemic as more economic activities resume. — Jenina P. Ibañez

Palace bucks PhilHealth privatization

THE PRESIDENTIAL palace on Thursday rejected calls to privatize the Philippine Health Insurance Corp. amid allegations of corruption at the agency.

Presidential Spokesman Harry L. Roque, one of the main authors of the Universal Healthcare Act, said the law was enacted to ensure the poor don’t get left behind as far as healthcare is concerned.

Selling universal healthcare service to the private sector defeats the purpose of the law, he said, adding that it’s the government’s obligation to provide it.

Marikina City Rep. Stella Luz A. Quimbo on Wednesday filed a bill seeking to reorganize and privatize the state insurance company after a Senate investigation found anomalies at PhilHealth.

The Universal Healthcare Act, which was enacted last year, automatically makes all Filipinos members of PhilHealth. — Gillian M. Cortez

Agri e-commerce platform launched

THE TOURISM department has partnered with software company Cloud Panda PH for an e-commerce platform for Philippine agricultural products.

The Philippine Harvest website will promote local, artisanal and indigenous food from local farmers and micro, small, and medium-sized businesses, the agency said in a statement on Thursday.

The products may be delivered by the merchants to customers. The online platform includes order tracking, inventory management, product catalogues and links to the businesses’ social media sites.

The Tourism department launched the online leg of its trade fair Philippines Harvest in April. The products, which had since been made available through Grab Philippines, include fruits and vegetables, seafood and beverages.

“Our country’s agricultural harvest is considerably vast, it only needs an effective channel to reach the right consumer,” Cloud Panda PH co-founder Carlito Macadangdang said in the statement. “The technology that we have today can help us achieve that goal.” — Jenina P. Ibañez

Beware of false positives

Rapid tests for the coronavirus cannot accurately distinguish between the influenza and the COVID-19 virus. Reliability is said to be at only 34-80%. This is not much better than flipping a coin. Rapid tests detect antibodies — not necessarily against COVID-19 per se  — produced several days to a couple of weeks after a viral infection. Rapid tests are prone to produce “false positive” results.

Swab tests, based on RT-PCR (Reverse-Transcription Polymerase Chain Reaction) are the gold standard, but still not 100% reliable in detecting COVID-19. The test can be a miss in patients who have just recovered from COVID-19. The swab can also miss given uneven viral distribution in a patient’s respiratory tract. A patient can also be swabbed on Day 1, and become infected on Day 2. This is how we get “false negative” results. From this, a false sense of security develops and one does not know that he or she is infectious — with resulting actions that spread the disease even more.

Swab tests could also produce “false positives.”  Recovered patients who are no longer sick, or who are no longer carriers, could still test positive. They could still imbibe weak remnants of the virus. For this reason, medical practitioners have abandoned the double swab protocol, instead prescribing a strict quarantine period. False positive results add to confusion and needless anxiety.

These shortcomings challenge vaccine development. Moreover, recent data indicate there has been a mutation of the virus into one that is more infectious, but is, hopefully, less potent.

At any rate, economic recovery premised on the launch and mainstreaming of a hurried vaccine based on outdated genetics and incomplete research will be shaky.

Is it possible to have false positives and false negatives in our macroeconomic narrative?

We have stressed that there are true economic positives in the Philippines.

Before COVID-19, our economy demonstrated resilience for 21 uninterrupted years. Domestic inflation was managed and trended downwards with firmer policy discipline under the Bangko Sentral’s inflation targeting framework adopted in 2002. Greater market competition brought about better supply conditions and stable prices. Public finance has turned around. Higher revenues have enabled higher spending on both infrastructure and social services. In the external front, we have seen many years of strong and stable current account and overall balance of payments positions. The peso, on an independent float for many years, has exhibited significant gains in real external price competitiveness. The country’s foreign exchange reserves reflect increased confidence in trade and investment in terms of sustained accumulation of tourist and BPO revenues, foreign direct and portfolio investments. All these gains were built-up through decades of policy and structural reforms for sustainable, self-sustaining and inclusive economic growth.

But our economy is not without true negatives. Distribution of wealth and income is highly  unequal. Labor share to total output has diminished over the years. Big businesses continue to bloat. Publicly listed shares remain relatively limited compared to those owned by family groups. Agrarian reform has been a failure. Electoral exercises continue to be driven by political dynasties with financial support from the moneyed class. Governance has been problematic as public and private interests compete resulting in public policies with little or unfelt net positive externalities.

Why we continue to lag behind other countries like Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore is always conveniently attributed to the Filipinos’ propensity to complain, violate public laws, and sell their votes or favor popular but unqualified candidates every three years. There is very little reflection and true action against corruption in public service. There is no clamor for accountability.  Neither is there genuine command responsibility, as sadly and clearly exemplified in our current PhilHealth controversy — whiffs or raging and billowing flames of wrongdoing, ignored by the leadership. There is frustration and fatigue in demanding for integrity in the delivery of social and economic services including quality education, health services, peace and order, and public infrastructure.

Recently, we noticed too, the sirens’ song of distraction. There seems to be an effort to generate confidence or at the very least, calm markets into a false sense of security. We refer to false positives in the economic narration.

These are aberrations in our economic narrative. Economic false positives arise when every single indicator that shows a transitory blip is used to proclaim that the worst of the pandemic-induced economic recession is behind us. Like erroneous results from rapid or swab diagnostic tests, these are dangerous and are likely to cause possible errors in judgment that seriously affect the long term.

To establish a firm trend, preliminary data in manufacturing activities and capacity utilization should be interpreted with a sufficient number of observations over time. Equally important, in making solid and credible pronouncements, we need to combine backward-looking economic data with forward-looking information based on expectations surveys. The use of purely backward-looking data renders forecasts fully dependent on the rear-view mirror.

In making pronouncements, therefore, it is always useful to consult the results of the Bangko Sentral’s latest consumer and business expectations surveys. These pose forward-looking questions to respondents and provide a good view of likely things to come.

Looking into these survey results could be a more meaningful exercise given the reliable correlation between the variables covered in the surveys with future values of GDP, inflation, the exchange rate, interest rate, employment and capacity utilization. In turn, these can be validated by other indicators of economic activities.

High frequency economic data (i.e. to measure people’s mobility) can be extracted from Waze and even Google. Financial market data to show movements in the stock market, FX, debt and credit default swaps as well as volatility indices would also be many times useful. Daily data on the pandemic can tell us a hundred narratives on the dynamics of the virus and the likelihood of economic recovery. So far, the data does not exactly show that “the worst is over.”

False positives in the economic narrative also arise when we fail to read between the lines of trends in economic data such as the exchange rate and foreign exchange reserves. What these statistics show is very important. However, what they do not show is even more important.

Similar to ascertaining the genetic materials of a virus —  which could be very similar to those of other viruses — one must make judgments on the peso’s trend taking many events into consideration.

Today, the peso appears strong. This is not because the Philippine economy is strong or is even one of the strongest ones in the region. We are in fact in the deepest recession we have experienced in the last 30 years. Unlike other financial crises, our current crisis affects not just sophisticated financial markets — but every Juan and Maria, from the most humble barbeque vendor to the biggest universal bank.

The peso appears strong because the current demand for dollars is very weak as compared to pre-COVID-19 months. Imports are down and outward investments by residents are also low. Dollars are also in big supply because of huge borrowings both by the National Government and the private sector. Global interest rates are extremely low due to extremely accommodative monetary policies in key capital markets abroad. This fact also derives from enormous increases in the FX reserves. With the climb in the value of gold, revaluation gains of our gold holdings in the FX reserves would yield a few billion dollars more. This climb is not because of higher investments or trade. Clearly, this pandemic has made that virtually impossible.

Our currency appears strongest in the region because, among our neighbors, we had relatively the highest pre-COVID-19 demand for dollars and capital imports. We remind of the focus on infra through the Build, Build, Build program which now cannot proceed with the same zeal and aggressiveness as before the pandemic.

There is also a potential risk of generating a false positive from fiscal expenditures. It is not always correct to say that “higher public spending leads to higher output growth.” Especially  when, in the first place, public spending is not financeable as in the current crisis where even the President has admitted, “Wala ng pera” (There is no more money).

“Moreover, leakages lost to malfeasance at various levels of government simply perpetuate bad governance without a corresponding increase in national output. Efficiency in public spending is as critical as the level itself. What public infrastructure had been shown in public health when COVID-19 struck in the beginning of 2020?”

While we are all in need of good news, issuing false positives could do more harm than good. As Pearl Zhu, author of the Digital Master book series observed: “We are moving slowly into an era where big data is the starting point, not the end.” Information is vital and transforming it into insight is one of the tasks of those in public service. This is how to communicate with civil society, this is how to properly guide the nation — individuals, households, firms and markets  — in how to conduct  themselves during this unique pandemic.

 

Diwa C. Guinigundo is the former Deputy Governor for the Monetary and Economics Sector, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP). He served the BSP for 41 years. In 2001-2003, he was Alternate Executive Director at the International Monetary Fund in Washington, DC. He is the senior pastor of the Fullness of Christ International Ministries in Mandaluyong.

Government by improvisation

When made public, Resolution No. 62 of the Inter-Agency Task Force for the Management of Emerging Infectious Diseases (IATF-MEID) provoked the curiosity and, worse, the skepticism of  Netizens in social media. Few saw the need for it and attributed it to the sinister plot of further extending the reach of the already vast powers of the Duterte regime.

The resolution empowers the Cabinet to oversee the way the local governments of those communities that have a high rate of COVID-19 transmission have been addressing the problem. Those areas are the National Capital Region (NCR) and the  provinces of Bulacan, Cavite, Laguna, and Rizal, where, according to the resolution, the members of the Cabinet, who   also sit in the IATF, are expected to “provide stronger support to local government units with areas identified with (sic) high community transmission” by “strictly monitor[ing] health system performance, critical care capacity, and stringent compliance to (sic) surveillance, isolation and treatment protocols.”

There are at least four unstated assumptions in the resolution text. The first is that there is a national plan to deal with the pandemic. The second is that local government officials have either not been doing enough to contain the contagion, or have not been implementing the policies and approaches mandated by the plan to effectively address the COVID-19 problem.

The third assumption is that what local governments have been doing and have instead prioritized are programs of their own making. The last is that every member of the Duterte Cabinet is familiar with the plan and will see to its implementation once they immerse themselves in the affairs of the local government units (LGUs) of the NCR and its four outlying provinces.

Unfortunately, the existence of such a national response plan is either one of the best-kept  secrets of the government, or a myth and an illusion. The spiraling increase of cases of Filipinos afflicted with the COVID-19 virus has given the Philippines the dubious distinction of being first in Southeast Asia in number of infections despite the country having been under lockdown for the longest period. It feeds the widespread suspicion that no master plan was ever devised or even contemplated when the first cases were discovered last February, and that the government has been reacting to problems as they occur rather than anticipating them. The country would have otherwise returned to some degree of normalcy by now, which other governments, such as those of Cambodia, Vietnam, and Laos, have demonstrated is possible. Their national plans of action made the numbers of people infected in those and other countries negligible compared to those of the Philippines.

Some LGUs have indeed been improvising their own responses to the pandemic. But that they have been forced to adopt this or that program of action in dealing with the impact of  the contagion in their communities suggests that they have pretty much been left to their own devices because of the absence of clear guidelines from the national government. Among those programs are the barangay-by-barangay, sitio-by-sitio, street-by-street lockdowns and other initiatives they enforce whenever COVID-19 cases in their localities are reported.

But one of the more compelling pieces of evidence of the absence of a master plan is, among others, the national government’s hasty return-to-work order, which it issued while hardly making any provision for the support services needed, such as transportation. The most number of infections is also occurring among those who have resumed working. In reaction, the government is only now requiring face shields as well as face masks to be worn at work and other places.

There is the equally precipitate order by Mr. Duterte to immediately repatriate dismissed Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) from where they were working abroad back to their communities in the Philippines. It was issued regardless of the possibility that those who may have contracted the disease but are asymptomatic can infect  their family members and neighbors.

The consequences have only been short of disastrous. The spread of COVID-19 in previously contagion-free areas in the Philippine countryside is in fact being attributed to that decision and  to the equally foolhardy “return to the provinces” scheme concocted by Duterte associate Christopher “Bong” Go that the regime is also implementing.

All these make Resolution No. 62 one more reactive attempt to curb the rate of increase in the number of people infected with the virus. Its mandate is similar to what has been previously tried, among them the government response to the increase in the number of infections in Cebu City last June.

When the number of infections surged there, President Duterte dispatched Interior Secretary Eduardo Año, supposedly to support the local government but in reality to practically take over its anti-COVID-19 campaign. The consequent decrease in the number of infections in Cebu presumably made the case for the IATF decision to arm the Cabinet secretaries (themselves) with the prerogative to directly intervene in the conduct of the anti-pandemic programs of the local governments of the NCR and the provinces of Bulacan, Cavite, Laguna, and Rizal.

Assuming, however, that Cebu’s case is a real success story, the local government executives of the above-mentioned areas could very well argue that what worked there may not necessarily  work in their respective jurisdictions. They could also point out that among the LGUs that have  succeeded in somewhat taming the contagion and alleviating the suffering of their poorer constituencies are those of Marikina, Pasig, Makati, and, to some extent, Manila.

The first argument is consistent with the primary reason for the passage of the 1991 Local Government Code: that it is not the national government but the LGUs that know best how to address the problems of their communities. That assumption may not be valid in some instances, since whether it is sound or not depends on the competence, honesty and  commitment of local leaders. But there is enough evidence to prove its worth in this country, where power has been so centralized in “imperial Manila” that it has retarded the growth of the  rest of the Philippines.

Both demand the adoption of a policy of only selective national government intervention in the localities that should be based on a sound and non-partisan evaluation of the success or failure of local government programs not only in connection with the pandemic but also with other issues of governance and national preparedness. There is no visibly sound national plan, for example, to mitigate the impact of global warming on the Philippines that environmental groups have been saying will most certainly be catastrophic. Such a policy should have long been in place, together with the national response plans needed to effectively address the COVID-19 public health crisis and those other national calamities that regularly afflict the Philippines.

Planning for future contingencies has never been any administration’s strong suit, despite the constant threat of natural and man-made disasters against the people of this country. It is not uniquely characteristic of the Duterte regime. But the absence of any sense of urgency that should have moved it to enlist the country’s health and other experts in the making of a national plan to address the pandemic and mitigate its impact seems particularly pronounced. Unfortunately, the lethal  consequences of  the ad hoc and reactive government-by-improvisation approach are being demonstrated at a time of great peril to this unhappy land and at the cost of Filipino lives. 

 

Luis V. Teodoro is on Facebook and Twitter (@luisteodoro).

www.luisteodoro.com

Global and personal upheavals 

In this time of global upheaval, our country has experienced natural disasters full of devastation, suffering and anguish. For millions of people there is confusion and uncertainty. Illness and death struck suddenly — so close to home.

One tries to grapple with disbelief while reaching for a sense of balance. There seems to be no consolation. So many others are going through their own disruptions and personal devastation. What was a graph and statistics in the news became a reality in the context of one’s family.

Losing a loved one, a sibling or parent is very personal and profound.

No two individuals can ever feel the same. It is incomparable and immeasurable. It sears the soul and tears the heart. It lingers deep within for a long time. Then it surfaces abruptly and explodes when it is least expected. It has one purpose — to make one strong and resilient in the avalanche, turmoil and fear.

But there is some comfort when others reach out unexpectedly, from distant places, to offer support — a hand to hold, a shoulder to lean on, and soothing words of solace — albeit virtually.

This experience is an indescribable period — the catharsis, a purging that one can compare to a coal in a furnace. The polishing under extreme heat and pressure creates a brilliant, indestructible diamond. There have been a series of losses the past years. The wounds heal but are torn open with yet another loss.

Reclusion, retreats are the chosen phases in one’s life — when there is safety in a chrysalis. It is a rough-hewn cocoon of darkness during the cold months, or the rainy season.

The lockdown has made staying invisible and quiet seem like a normal state.

After much effort and extreme stretching, the cracked cocoon releases the translucent, luminous butterfly. Free at last.

Many of us who have suffered a personal loss may feel the oppressive haze will never lift. We try to keep a stiff upper lip and keep our wits about us. We try to stay stoic and steady.

There is an antidote to depression. By reaching out to help other people — the abused and vulnerable, the marginalized and jobless, we can focus the mind and channel the energy.

Despite personal grief, it is uplifting to think of the people out there who need our prayers and immediate relief during this seemingly endless crisis.

The act of helping others goes beyond the self.

One seeks guidance, a sign from above.

In the spiritual realm, one can find divine grace and serenity.

Happiness cannot be found through great effort and willpower,

But there is in letting go.

Only our search for happiness prevents us from seeing it.

It is like a rainbow

Which you run after without ever catching it,

Although it does not exist, it has always been there and accompanies you every instant.

Wanting to grasp the ungraspable, you exhaust yourself in vain.

As soon as you relax this grasping, space is there

Open, inviting and comfortable.

All is yours already.

Don’t search any further.

Don’t go into the inextricable jungle looking for the elephant

Who is already at home.

Nothing to do.

Nothing to force, nothing to want.

And everything happens by itself.

— Venerable Lama Gentun Rinpoche

 

Maria Victoria Rufino is an artist, writer and businesswoman. She is president and executive producer of Maverick Productions.

mavrufino@gmail.com

Time to end troll armies

Is there anything more pernicious than the online troll? Angry, vulgar, and common. What should have been a vehicle for people coming closer together and promoting better understanding has been hijacked by a bitter few intently spewing their hatred on others.

According to a 2014 Pew survey, 40% of online users have experienced being the subject of online harassment; 65% of young adults, 18-29 years of age, have been victimized by trolling, with women in particular subjected to stalking (26%) or sexual harassment (25%).

Studies have been made on the psychology of trolls. Australia’s Federation University lecturer Evita March tells us that “trolls tend to be male, show higher levels of psychopathy traits — low levels of empathy, guilt and responsibility for their actions — and higher levels of sadism traits, the enjoyment of causing others physical and psychological pain.”

March recommends, for individuals targeted by trolls, to simply ignore them: “If the troll knows they have succeeded in disrupting the social environment in some way, this will reinforce their behavior.”

Nevertheless, having said that, governments may need to come in and help stamp out trolls.

There are laws, of course, for these types of people. Cyberbullying, libel, and measures against misinformation are aplenty. The UK’s Crown Prosecution Service, for example, has issued rules designed to criminalize trolling.

For the Philippines, there is the Cyber Bullying Act, RA 10627, which covers “any severe or repeated use by one or more students of a written, verbal or electronic expression, or a physical act or gesture, or any combination thereof, directed at another student that has the effect of actually causing or placing the latter in reasonable fear of physical or emotional harm or damage to his property; creating a hostile environment at school for the other student; infringing on the rights of the other student at school; or materially and substantially disrupting the education process or the orderly operation of a school.”

The problem with that law is it limits protection only to students, while at the same time throwing responsibility to the schools, and with merely a passing referral to existing penal laws, presumably the Cybercrime Prevention Act (RA 10175) and the Revised Penal Code.

Sadly, actions against trolling have been hindered by some raising fears that doing so may violate freedom of speech or other rights. But such arguments are misguided.

Firstly, the Supreme Court has long been consistently clear that certain speech can and should be regulated. Child pornography is one, falsely shouting “fire” in a crowded theater is another. There have been various standards laid down by the Supreme Court to determine if certain speech should be silenced: balancing of interests, clear and present danger, and the balancing of interests test.

There are, relatively recently, laws against joking about bombs at airports or spreading disinformation about the coronavirus.

It is time indeed for Congress to take a serious look into the matter and provide legislation criminalizing trolls. In this regard, two things need to be looked at: the individual troll and that of troll armies.

As mentioned above, the Cyber Bullying Act needs to be expanded to protect every innocent person. Teachers, professionals, businessmen, writers — they all need to be shielded from trolls. And the laws should have sufficient teeth to enable effective prosecution and imposition of the necessary punishment against individual trolls.

On the other hand, troll armies (which accessnow.org defines as “a group of people assume false identities in order to participate in internet forums and social media to send — or suppress — a specific message”) are even more malignantly harmful, endangering not only an individual’s wellbeing but profoundly to society itself.

The fact that troll armies are primarily organized to advance particular politicians’ interests and policies, while demonizing opposing ideas and harassing those they disagree with, makes inutile the very concept of free speech.

To allow them to hide behind the very right they are corrupting, while at the same time denying that right to others, is utterly ludicrous.

An avenue worth exploring is prosecution based on election law violations, particularly those requiring supporters or donors that engaged in election advertising (which troll armies are perverse versions of) to be named, identified, and reported.

Finally, along the same logical lines providing Constitutional rationale for legislation sanctioning conspiracies to commit sedition, rebellion, and terrorism, or business officials for their individual or their corporation’s illegal acts, Congress would be completely within its mandate to enact laws criminalizing and putting to jail:

• those organizing and paying trolls to bully, ridicule, or silence a person, whether public or private;

• organizing and paying trolls to engage in “virtual mobbing” whereby groups of trolls comment or contact a person, either using harmful or supposedly neutral language, designed to harass or silence that person; and

• individuals that received money to predatorily troll another person as described above.

Trolls and troll armies have no place in a decent democratic society.

 

Jemy Gatdula is a Senior Fellow of the Philippine Council for Foreign Relations and a Philippine Judicial Academy law lecturer for constitutional philosophy and jurisprudence.

jemygatdula@yahoo.com

www.jemygatdula.blogspot.com

facebook.com/jemy.gatdula

Twitter @jemygatdula