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NEDA backs DA pork price caps to head off possible inflation rise

THE National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) is supporting the recommendation of the Department of Agriculture (DA) to impose a price ceiling on pork while increasing the volume of imports for lower tariffs to prevent potential spike in inflation.

“We support the proposal of the DA; in fact, the committee on trade and related matters endorses it but it will have to go through the proper process under the CMTA (Customs Modernization and Tariff Act) law, and the Tariff Commission is going to immediately conduct consultations and the due diligence,” NEDA Acting Secretary Karl Kendrick T. Chua said in an online briefing Thursday.

Mr. Chua made the remarks after being asked about NEDA’s position on the DA’s proposed measures to curb the rising price of pork.

Agriculture Secretary William D. Dar said in a Monday briefing that the DA is proposing an executive order to President Rodrigo R. Duterte which will set a price ceiling on pork and chicken in Metro Manila for 60 days. Mr. Dar blamed the rising prices on manipulating by traders.

Mr. Dar said the DA is also looking into raising the minimum access volume (MAV) threshold for imported pork products to 162,000 metric tons (MT), from 54,000 MT currently.

This means more imported pork will be charged lower tariffs. Imports within the MAV will pay 30%, while those above the MAV will be charged 40%.

“Our priority right now is to ensure that food supply is adequate so that households who have been affected by the COVID-19 (coronavirus disease 2019) quarantines will not be doubly affected by possible further spikes in inflation,” Mr. Chua said.

According to a joint report by the FMIC & UA&P Capital Markets Research released Thursday, “inflation may only rise a little faster in 2021 as we expect food prices to fall in Q1, bringing down the average inflation for that quarter to 3%. It will remain there or lower towards the end of the year.”

It attributed the rise in inflation in December to higher food prices, especially pork. Headline inflation accelerated to a 22-month high last month of 3.5%, bringing the full-year average to 2.6% for 2020.

“We view the spike in food prices as abnormal and we expect these to fall as Q1-2021 unfolds,” according to the joint report.

Benjamin R. Punongbayan, chairman and founder of Buklod National Movement, which has a good-governance advocacy, warned that the suggested price freeze will not address the ongoing shortage of pork.

Mr. Punongbayan said setting a price cap will only cause the supply to further dwindle with traders expected to continue hoarding while they are unable to realize profits from the prevailing retail price.

“The immediate solution is to liberalize the importation of meat, particularly hog meat,” he said.

A longer-term solution is for the government to help hog farmers ramp up production via lending programs and the procurement of breeding stock. — Beatrice M. Laforga

PHL rating hinges on strong rebound in 2021 — S&P

THE Philippines’ BBB+ sovereign rating is based on assumptions of a strong 2021 rebound, with the risk of a downgrade possible if the recovery disappoints, and even an upgrade if it turns out stronger than expected, S&P Global Ratings said.

Across the Asia Pacific, S&P Global said in a note Thursday, most sovereign ratings are expected to be maintained until about 2023.

S&P Global affirmed its BBB+ rating with a stable outlook for the Philippines in May.

“The stable outlook reflects our expectation that the Philippines’ orthodox policymaking will continue to underpin its credit metrics, and that the economy will rebound strongly in 2021,” it said.

A stable outlook indicates that a rating may be maintained over the next 18 to 24 months.

“We may lower the rating if the economy suffers from a sharper and more prolonged downturn than we expect, leading to a material deterioration in the Philippines’ fiscal and debt positions,” S&P Global said.

On the other hand, S&P said the Philippines may secure a rating upgrade over the next two years if the recovery outperforms expectations.

A reduction of net general government debt as a share of gross domestic product (GDP) due to fiscal reforms may also be a catalyst for an upgrade, S&P said. Net general government debt was about 28% of GDP in 2019.

“We may also raise the rating if we believe the institutional settings that have contributed to the significant credit metric improvements over the past decade or so will persist,” it added.

Among Asia-Pacific sovereigns, only Australia (AAA), Fiji (BB-), Indonesia (BBB), and Malaysia (A-) had negative outlooks at the end of 2020. Meanwhile, 16 have stable outlooks with only New Zealand (AA) having a positive outlook, which signals an upgrade in the near term.

In the same report S&P Global also maintained its 2021 and 2022 GDP forecast for the Philippines at 9.6% and 7.6%, respectively, which it first issued in September.

In 2020, the economy contracted by a record 9.5% due to the slump associated with the pandemic. S&P’s estimate was for a drop of 9.6%. — Luz Wendy T. Noble

WESM to launch Mindanao spot market by June

THE Independent Electricity Market Operator of the Philippines (IEMOP) said Thursday that it hopes to begin commercial operations in Mindanao by late June, while also launching the enhanced design of the market in the Luzon and Visayas over the same time frame.

Last month the Energy Regulatory Commission approved the WESM’s (Wholesale Electricity Spot Market) Price Determination methodology, in the form of a manual of WESM guidelines, principles and pricing mechanisms.

IEMOP is a non-profit corporation that operates the WESM and the central registration body for the retail competition and open access. WESM is the venue for generators to sell excess power not covered by contracts, and where customers can buy additional output on top of these contracts.

In a statement Thursday, IEMOP said the approval signaled the implementation of WESM in Mindanao, and the upcoming transition of the five-minute market for scheduling and dispatch intervals in Luzon and the Visayas islands.

“The launch date for these developments in WESM is now targeted for June 26, 2021,” IEMOP said in a statement.

IEMOP Operations Planning and Modelling Manager Edward I. Olmedo said in a briefing Thursday the organization is still in the process of registering Mindanao-based facilities in the WESM.

“We need to complete first their registration in the WESM. So that is expected to be part of our target completion in the first quarter of 2021,” Mr. Olmedo told reporters. IEMOP estimates that some 18 facilities out of 87 expected participants have registered for the WESM Mindanao market.

For the WESM to begin commercial operations in Mindanao by June, the Department of Energy must give the go signal by May, he said.

Mr. Olmedo added that by the first quarter, IEMOP hopes to complete an audit of enhancements and focus group discussions on overall market readiness.

During the fourth quarter of 2020, market prices continued to drop, to P1.96 per kilowatt-hour (kWh), according to IEMOP.

“The price drop can be attributed to the declining rate of customer transactions as compared to the same period in 2019. Energy consumption for December 2020 also decreased by 2.0% which is equivalent to 126 GWh (gigawatt hours) in comparison to the consumption recorded in December 2019,” IEMOP said.

It added that the decrease in system demand last month was caused by the holidays and the holiday associated with the Feast of the Immaculate Conception, which took place on Dec. 8. However, the market operator noted that there were several instances of high prices due to a number of forced and planned outages.

According to IEMOP, total output last year declined 5.5% to 79,354 GWh from 83,982 GWh. “Similar with the previous years, coal and natural gas plants accounted for more than three-fourths of the generation mix,” it said. — Angelica Y. Yang

Cagayan River dredging to start next week

THE dredging of the Cagayan River will begin next week to prevent the flooding that hit the region after major typhoons last year, an economic planner said.

National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) Region 2 Director Dionisio C. Ledres, Jr. said the removal of sandbars will begin next week. The sandbars have been constricting the river waters, contributing to the flooding problem.

“On Feb. 2… the DPWH (the Department of Public Works and Highways), the DENR (Department of Environment and Natural Resources), and Task Force BBB (Task Build Back Better) will start the dredging operations downstream,” he said.

He added that the major sandbars were in priority locations like Concepcion, in the municipality of Amulung; San Isidro, in Iguig; and Dassun in Solana.

Environment Secretary Roy A. Cimatu said in a statement that the dredging “is the culmination of weeks of meticulous planning and detailed coordination to ensure that each of the dredging equipment is safely transported to the sandbar sites and that bamboo is grown at critical portions of the riverbank needing immediate measures to address stream bank erosion and instability.”

The Cagayan River overflowed in various locations in November. Dredging is a long-standing request by local governments.

Mr. Ledres helped present NEDA’s report on the Cagayan Valley Floor and Mitigation program at a joint hearing of the House Committee on Agriculture and Food and the Special Committee on the North Luzon Growth Quadrangle.

“We have this plan… and we are lucky that agencies are working together. We proposed structural and vegetative measures to control the flooding,” he said. Structural actions will be done by the DPWH while vegetative plans will be DENR’s responsibility.

Besides dredging, some other measures proposed by NEDA include desilting the Magat Dam in Isabela province, channel widening, opening of secondary channels, channel realignment, and construction of dams and dikes.

The Office of Civil Defense, at the same hearing, said it is proposing the creation of a National Dam Safety Council, in emulation of the practice in other countries, where a specialized agency is in charge of the upkeep and the regular assessment of dams.

The release of water from the Magat Dam contributed to the flooding in the region during typhoons in November. — Gillian M. Cortez

NPC lists triggers for initiating motu proprio investigations

THE National Privacy Commission (NPC) has asserted its authority to initiate investigations without a formal complaint, saying that pending cases, news reports, academic studies and anonymous tips are sufficient to trigger a probe.

The authority to conduct so-called motu proprio investigations was outlined in the NPC’s updated procedural rules for 2021 issued Thursday.

Other events that can trigger an investigation were observed trends and reports from various offices within the commission.

The processing of personal data by the subjects of the investigation may be banned to protect national security or the public interest, it said.

The NPC will assign a special task force or officer to investigate potential violators, a process that can include the on-site examination of systems.

The officer or task force must submit a report and recommendations to the commission within 30 days after the investigation closes. Persons being investigated will then be given the chance to submit their comments to the NPC.

The NPC last year investigated a website that posed as associated with the Land Transportation Office (LTO) over a possible breach of registered motorists’ personal information.

The commission ordered website lisensya.info to cease operations after some users found that data in the website were accurate, flagging possible leaks from the LTO database. — Jenina P. Ibañez

ERC orders 20 Luzon power firms to refund up to P146M in overcollections

THE Energy Regulatory Commission (ERC) said it has directed 20 distribution utilities (DUs) in Luzon to refund overcollections totaling P146 million between January 2017 and December 2019.

In a statement Thursday, the ERC said the overcollections stem from the utility firms’ pass-through charges, including generation rates, transmission rates, system loss rates, lifeline subsidy rates, and senior citizen subsidy rates.

“These pass-through charges should be revenue-neutral on the part of the DUs, and they are not allowed to incur any additional revenue or losses therefrom,” ERC Chairperson and CEO Agnes VST Devanadera said in a statement.

The regulator said refunds may be implemented over 12 months, starting with the next billing cycle.

Laban Konsyumer, Inc. President Vic Dimagiba said that the ERC’s refund order was “lenient” for the Luzon-based DUs, compared to an earlier ERC order to Manila Electric Co. (Meralco).

“This is lenient for the other 20 DUs as ERC allows 12 months to refund over recovery,” Mr. Dimagiba told BusinessWorld in a Viber message Thursday. He was referring to ERC’s order to Meralco to refund some P1.4 billion in overcollections within three months, or until the amount has been fully refunded.

In the order dated Dec. 29, the ERC also found that Meralco had incurred around P2.38 billion in underrecoveries, which it was allowed to collect over 24 months, or until fully collected.

Meralco’s controlling stakeholder, Beacon Electric Asset Holdings, Inc., is partly owned by PLDT, Inc.

Hastings Holdings, Inc., a unit of PLDT Beneficial Trust Fund subsidiary MediaQuest Holdings, Inc., has interest in BusinessWorld through the Philippine Star Group, which it controls. — Angelica Y. Yang

PHL pension system sustainable, but coverage must improve — Allianz

THE PHILIPPINES has among the most sustainable pension systems in Asia, but it needs to address issues involving access and coverage, according to Allianz SE, citing the findings of a report it prepared.

The country scored 3.8 in the Allianz Pension Indicator which is based on three pillars: demographic and fiscal prerequisites; sustainability; and adequacy. A reading of 1 means no need for reform while a score of 7 means urgently needed reforms.

“The Philippines already raised the retirement age to 65 for both men and women; as a consequence, they have currently one of the most sustainable pension systems in the region,” Allianz said.

However, some gaps still need to be addressed as only a third of the working population is effectively covered by the public pension system.

With many Filipinos still holding no formal financial accounts, building up sufficient savings for old age also becomes difficult, it added.

In 2014, only 20% of the 7.6 million Filipinos aged 60 years and above are covered by state-back mandatory pensions such as the Social Security System (SSS) and the Government Service Insurance System, according to the Philippine Statistics Authority showed. Only 29% of adult Filipinos had formal bank accounts as of 2019, according to central bank data.

Among 15 Asian pension systems gauged by the study, the Philippines was seventh. It was ahead of India (4), Thailand (4.1), and Vietnam (4.4), among others. China (3.1) topped the rankings while Cambodia (5.7) at the bottom.

“The main cause of concern with respect to the long-term sustainability of pension systems is the retirement age in many markets which does not reflect the gains in life expectancy over the last decades,” the study found.

It said that while some economies are already looking into increasing the retirement age, reforms may not be sufficient to mitigate the expected increases in life expectancy.

Asia’s population of people aged 65 years and older is expected to hit 955 million in 2050 from the current 412 million.

Allianz Senior Economist Michaela Grimm said coronavirus disease 2019 could worsen inequality due to rising unemployment and interrupted education.

She said short-term fixes such as temporary reduction or suspension of pension contributions or the temporary withdrawals from pension fund savings could increase old-age poverty in the years to come.

“If anything, COVID-19 has made thorough pension reforms even more urgent,” Ms. Grimm said.

In the Philippines, SSS officials have opposed suspending the scheduled increase of contributions, saying it will jeopardize the pension system’s ability to disburse benefits. — Luz Wendy T. Noble

House panel passes resolution backing creation of body to probe incidents involving seafarers

A HOUSE of Representatives committee approved Thursday a resolution calling for the creation of a maritime search and rescue task force to help deal with worldwide incidents involving Filipino seafarers.

At a hearing of the House Committee on Overseas Workers Affairs, House Resolution 1344 was “approved, subject to amendment and style” according to its chairman, Raymond Democrito C. Mendoza.

The resolution called for the creation of an inter-agency body taking in representatives of the Department of Foreign Affairs, Department of Transportation, Department of Labor and Employment, Department of Justice, Philippine Coast Guard, the Maritime Industry Authority, Philippine Overseas Employment Administration, Overseas Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA), and other agencies.

OWWA Administrator Hans Leo J. Cacdac said at the hearing that OWWA “supports the creation of the inter-agency task force.”

The task force will also provide assistance to families of missing or dead seafarers.

Mr. Cacdac said the task force should also be tasked with investigating cases of missing seafarers. He cited the case of seaman Rogelio Dalen Balahay, Jr. who was reported missing from a bulk carrier in 2019. The suspicion emerged that he may have been “bullied” by shipmates.

“They are not common but we have around five similar cases… we feel for the families plus they do not have benefits because (their relatives) are not declared dead,” he said. — Gillian M. Cortez

Economic forecasting made easy

New techniques of predicting growth have proliferated recently. The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP), for instance, has added to its suite of forecasting models, “nowcasting” models, to estimate growth as a measure of domestic demand in formulating monetary policy. The results of these quantitative exercises are exclusively for internal use but BSP’s performance has been satisfactory. Its business cycle model, business and consumer expectations surveys, as well as high-frequency data monitoring have also supported its macroeconomic surveillance.

Other central banks have similarly embarked on nowcasting because relying on quarterly economic and financial data with long lags and frequent revisions would serve very little purpose. Nowcasting yields economic estimates in virtually real-time in lieu of the official measures. Many advanced economies have shifted to this methodology following the exponential improvements in computing power. For instance, the Reserve Bank of New Zealand is now doing nowcasting based on machine-learning algorithms with superior results relative to estimates using conventional methodologies like simple autoregressive model and factor model.

Three years ago, La Salle’s Cesar Rufino presented his interesting work “Nowcasting Philippine Economic Growth Using MIDAS Regression Modelling” which showed the viability of using MIDAS or Mixed Data Sampling Regression. This addresses the problem of mixed frequency. Based on quarterly data of output, monthly data on inflation, industrial production, and the Philippine Stock Exchange, he performed nowcasting. His results were quite revealing in that using MIDAS nowcasting, estimates turned out better than those coming from traditional models both in-sample and out-of-sample.

Given this broad context, by the time this column comes out Friday, the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) shall have released the 4th quarter and whole year 2020 real GDP (gross domestic product).

Against the actual performance of the Philippine economy, we can see how economists, researchers, bank analysts, credit rating agencies, and international financial institutions assessed the Philippine macroeconomy in the absence of actual figures. We are not privy to the econometric techniques they used in churning out their estimates but if they used the traditional methods, they would have some problems with mixed frequency of explanatory variables, many of which would also not be available even at this point.

Nowcasting enables econometricians to make use of high-frequency data. Using machine-learning algorithms could further refine their estimation.

First, we survey the BusinessWorld’s poll of economists from the University of Asia and the Pacific, San Juan de Letran, De La Salle and Ateneo de Manila; bank and other financial institution analysts from Union Bank, Sun Life Financial, Philippine National Bank, BDO, ANZ, RCBC, HSBC, Nomura, Security Bank, ING and BPI; data and information business provider and research outfits IHS Markit, Capital Economics and Oxford Economics; and the International Finance Institute.

For the 4th quarter 2020 forecast, we have a high of -5% by Union Bank an2d a low of -12.2% by BPI. Median for the last quarter last year stood at -8.5% with both Capital Economics and RCBC in the same groove. There was almost an even representation of bank analysts and research outfits and academics on both sides of the median.

Following their last-quarter take on the real GDP, those polled fell into a median of -9.5% for 2020, the lower end of -8.5% to -9.5% forecast by the Development Budget Coordination Committee. No forecaster was higher than the Government’s optimistic upper-end scenario of -8.5%.

What is notable in this range of forecasts is that in the more optimistic scenario of higher than -9.5% there seems to be more substantial weight placed on the positive impact of further easing on the lockdown and the possible rollout of anti-COVID-19 vaccines. These are expected to raise consumer spending. Forecasts also turned up because of the anticipated seasonal rise in overseas workers’ remittances.

We need more than a pinch of salt in dealing with the uncertainty surrounding the optimistic scenario. It would hardly align with the recent surge in new cases given the aggressive British variant of the coronavirus. Moody’s considered health and safety issues in the Philippines as “highly negative risk.” There are budgetary pressures to sustain spending on public health. In addition, mass vaccination to achieve herd immunity is immensely challenged by the public’s reluctance to get the jab for lack of sufficient public information. Pricing of the vaccines raises issues about possible graft. Sourcing of the vaccines remains non-devolved to local government units and private corporates. Society could very well leverage on their quick logistical capability and accelerate mass vaccination. Remittances are no savior as they dropped by nearly 1% for the first 11 months of 2020. With high unemployment, it would be difficult to expect people to spend even when prices were brought down to fire sale levels.

What about the views of foreign banks?

Their views mirror those of their counterparts. Pandemic mitigation is crucial in pitching their forecasts.

Morgan Stanley is as optimistic as PNB and UAP in predicting a 6% drop in the 4th quarter and an 8.8% output decline for the whole year 2020. It premised its scenario on the bounce back of private consumption, milder decline in passenger vehicle sales, and recovery in exports.

United Overseas Bank’s forecast of -8.2% is also on the upper side of the median, exactly the same view of IIF (Institute of International Finance). However, it’s full-year prediction is right on the government’s worse end and median of -9.5%. It shares the whole-year view of IIF, Capital Economics, and RCBC.

Standard Chartered Bank placed the whole year 2020 real GDP at -8.9% exactly as PNB’s. The Bank believes the BSP will keep the rates steady for growth reasons while inflation is expected to remain under control. However, the Bank thinks the pre-COVID-19 growth levels would not be achieved until 2022.

Citibank did not release any forecasts of Philippine growth but it shared Standard Charter’s two-year timetable for restoring growth to pre-pandemic level. This pessimism derives from our harsh lockdown that impaired mobility and economic activity. It also noted that the Philippines lags behind in vaccines procurement in the ASEAN.

Credit rating agencies also weighed in on some aspects of the growth story of the country.

S&P, for instance, warned of the observed deterioration in banks’ asset quality. Huge exposure in real estate was pointed out to be the main risk driving the banks’ credit profile. This should alert the regulators to consider financial stability issues in pursuing aggressive monetary policy.

While Fitch was rather bullish on the country’s construction industry due to priority public spending on infrastructure, it recognized that “the damage to infrastructure and agriculture was significant in 2020…”

In the case of Moody’s, it argued that the “Philippine focus on infrastructure investment has led to a corresponding lack of funding for social services like healthcare, with the resulting inability to efficiently deal with public health…” The credit agency warned that the pandemic could still worsen and potentially strain public health facilities and disrupt business activity. In turn, the stress could constrain revenue generation and shock-absorption capacity.

The key take-away is the debt watchers’ concern about downside risks particularly the economic scar of the pandemic. Failure to establish some balance in the budget could affect the country’s ability to sustain growth. In our previous column, we talked about the failure of public policy to consider and prepare for the worst outcome. In forecasting, it would be prudent to anchor one’s model on a more realistic set of assumptions that conforms with what is unfolding today — our state of pandemic mitigation, ability to source and administer appropriate vaccines, the rapid spread of the latest mutation of the coronavirus and our policy offsets.

The World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) share broadly similar reservations about our prospects for recovery. The WB is therefore supporting the country’s proposed procurement of vaccines up to $400 million under the Emergency Response Project. This will be complemented by the Asian Development Bank’s $325-million loan under the Asia-Pacific Vaccine Access Facility.

For its part, the IMF was frank in admitting that the Philippines will likely see a slower pace of economic recovery in 2021. The damage in 2020 was most severe and for this reason, the Fund decided to reduce its real GDP forecast from 7.4% to 6.6% for 2021, close to the lower end of the Government’s 6.5-7.5% target.

For the whole year of 2020, the Fund expects a decline of 9.6%, much deeper than the original forecast of -8.3%. The Fund’s prediction is slightly south of the -9.5% median of BusinessWorld’s poll of economists and researchers. The IMF explained that this view “reflects the larger-than-expectation year-on-year contraction in the third quarter.”

Economic scars again.

Today, the PSA should have announced the growth story of the Philippines for the 4th quarter and whole year 2020. Some of our forecasters could be spot on, some south and some north of the median for both periods. We don’t subscribe fully to John Kenneth Galbraith who said that “there are two kinds of forecasters: those who don’t know and those who don’t know they don’t know.”

We have more confidence today in our forecasters given the vast improvements in both modelling and computing power. But those consistent outliers ought to review their forecasts and assumptions so that they can avoid the cardinal sin “of faring only marginally better than a random forecast generator.”

One way of achieving this is to ensure a pretty good alignment between their assumptions and the real world.

 

Diwa C. Guinigundo is the former Deputy Governor for the Monetary and Economics Sector, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP). He served the BSP for 41 years. In 2001-2003, he was Alternate Executive Director at the International Monetary Fund in Washington, DC. He is the senior pastor of the Fullness of Christ International Ministries in Mandaluyong.

Counterproductive

It was then Defense Secretary Fidel V. Ramos who signed for the government the 1989 agreement that the Department of National Defense (DND) rescinded last week prohibiting the police and military from entering University of the Philippines (UP) constituent universities without the consent of their officials.

It was unexpected of someone who was himself from the armed forces that because of their martial law experience many Filipinos identify with repression and abuse of power. But Ramos’ subsequent acts when he was President from 1992 to 1998 reveal a facet of his thinking that during his years in the military no one seemed to have noted.

There was indeed nothing in his past history to suggest that he would be any different from his cohorts. Ramos commanded the Philippine Constabulary (PC) when then President Ferdinand Marcos placed the country under military rule in 1972. Like its successor the Philippine National Police (PNP), the PC, which was part of the military, had long mastered the brutal arts of torturing confessions out of anyone unfortunate enough to fall in its clutches, of forcibly disappearing those it had abducted, and of presiding over interrogation sessions in which some subjects ended up dead. Martial law empowered it further, turning it into one of the most hated instruments of oppression of the Marcos dictatorship.

As PC Chief, Ramos also headed the Command for the Administration of Detainees (CAD), which was in charge of detaining in various prisons throughout the archipelago the hundreds of thousands of men and women arrested by the Marcos regime for alleged offenses ranging from “rumor-mongering” to rebellion, subversion and “wittingly or unwittingly” inciting to sedition and rebellion.

Marcos eventually named Ramos Deputy Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) during the waning years of his regime. But Ramos and then Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile broke with Marcos, and led the armed forces side of the civilian-military mutiny at EDSA that overthrew Marcos’ rule and enabled Corazon Aquino to ascend to the Presidency in 1986. As President, Mrs. Aquino named Ramos AFP Chief of Staff and later Secretary of National Defense, from which post he rose to the Presidency by winning the 1992 elections.

If Ramos’ break from Marcos was unexpected — he was among the generals closest to the dictator and until 1986 had helped keep him in power — so were some of his acts as President. Among these were his forging a peace agreement with the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF); his administration’s signing the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) and the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP); and his Congressional allies’ repeal of the Anti-Subversion Law (Republic Act 1700). In 1995 Ramos also signed into law RA 7941 implementing the Party-list System provisions of the 1987 Constitution.

The precursor of these acts was his signing the 1989 agreement with then University of the Philippines President Jose Abueva prohibiting the entry of the military and police into UP campuses without permission. The skeptical could point out that even with that agreement, the police and military could still send their operatives and agents into UP campuses and classrooms in the guise of students, employees, and whatever else. In addition, getting UP officials’ permission for the police and military to enter its campuses was not a problem when, say, UP’s own security forces did not have the personnel or expertise to address a particularly problematic crime. However, Ramos’ subsequent acts as President reveal a consistency in the thinking behind them and the forging of the 1989 agreement.

That document assured UP constituents that they could at least cite it to hold the police and military accountable should they be in violation of it, and that the faculty could freely discuss their fields of expertise in the classrooms without restraint. Also among its results was the students’ focusing on internal UP and national issues other than those that directly involved the Aquino administration and its military organization. It very likely also did much to dispel student and faculty indignation over the police’s massacre of 13 protesting farmers on Manila’s Mendiola street in 1987.

Ramos’ earlier-cited acts as President were of a piece with the same strategic viewpoint. The implementation of the Party-list System and the repeal of RA 1700 encouraged even would-be and actual revolutionaries to participate in governance and transformed some of them into reformists. The agreement with the MNLF brought peace to those areas of Mindanao where conflict had raged since the 1970s, and the documents his government signed with the NDFP stoked hopes for lasting peace with the Left. All these helped make the Ramos administration watch a period of relative peace.

What his policies reveal is that in addition to strategic discernment, Ramos was also armed with an awareness and understanding of the causes of the conflicts that have characterized much of Philippine history that are still rare in, and still elude, the rest of the military. Hence his capacity to look beyond his watch as President and to imagine possibilities for peace and development without compromising his soldierly commitment to the defense of the status quo. His was far from the purely military viewpoint that despite its demonstrated failure his fellow generals still favor in addressing those conflicts.

One of the more recent indicators of that failed mindset is the decision of Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana, a former general himself, to unilaterally abrogate the Ramos-Abueva Agreement. That decision defies understanding for not only being based on wrong assumptions but also for being counterproductive for the regime he serves.

Its adverse impact on the Constitutionally protected freedoms to teach, learn, do research, and share knowledge is unchallenged even by the DND. The academic freedom issue aside, however, if the intent is to “protect” students from radicalization and recruitment by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and/or the New People’s Army (NPA), it will very likely convince not only some students but also the rest of UP’s constituents that there is no peaceful road to change and that it is at best a regime-fostered lie. In addition, among the immediate consequences of the DND’s in effect declaring that the military would henceforth ignore UP officials in their own jurisdictions is to further fan resentment against the Duterte regime among University students, faculty, administrative staff and its alumni in business, the arts, the sciences, the professions, the media, and even in government.

Agreement or no agreement, today as during Ramos’ watch as Defense Secretary and President, nothing, not even the Constitution, can stop the police and military from deploying their spies and informers in UP. And because during the pandemic both can also easily monitor the conduct of online classes, the rescission of the 1989 Agreement seems to have no purpose behind it other than to remind UP, other universities, and the rest of the country that the Duterte regime can do as it pleases with impunity and without accountability.

During the US war in Vietnam in the 1960s, United States Senator J. William Fulbright described his country’s misadventures in the former Indochinese states as driven by the arrogance of power. The same conceit is evident in the frame of mind behind this latest demonstration of the Duterte regime’s indifference to citizen rights and sentiments — and even to the Constitution. It is inciting widespread enmity and undermining itself in the process. 

 

Luis V. Teodoro is on Facebook and Twitter (@luisteodoro).

www.luisteodoro.com

International trade in a post-Trump and COVID-19 world

I am not sure if it’s an actual Clausewitz principle but Ian Fleming once wrote of James Bond, methodically preparing en route to a dangerous mission (in Moonraker), “had achieved Clausewitz’s first principle. He had made his base secure.” In any event, it’s not a bad principle to consider for international trade in these uncertain times.

With GDP contracting 8.5% and even the most optimistic of economists, UA&P professor Bernie Villegas, stating that the Philippines should expect to have a mere 4% growth this year, the times really provide an opportunity for thoughtful reconsideration. Add to that recent news of nearly half a million workers laid off in 2020’s final three months, resulting in a Philippine unemployment rate of 8.7%, equivalent to 3.8 million jobless Filipinos.

Philippine trade policy seems (generally) to emphasize indeed “securing our base.” Trade and Industry Undersecretary Perry Rodolfo, in his 2018 Manufacturing Summit presentation, stated that the “best Trade Strategy is a robust Industrialization Policy” and that the “most effective Industrialization policy is one that deepens and expands local value-chain.” And finally, the Philippines’ “biggest incentive, is our growing domestic market (size and income) — whose requirements are largely being met by imports.”

There is really nothing to quibble about the foregoing. The Philippines is currently suffering from a trade deficit of $1.73 billion (as of November 2020), with the United States maintaining its place as our top export destination ($956.80 million or 16.5% of total exports). By economic bloc, APEC topped the list with $4.95 billion (85.5%), then East Asia with $2.93 billion (50.6%), finally ASEAN at $930.30 million (16.1%).

However, it’s the massive importations from China ($2.02 billion or 26.8% of import share compared to our exports to it of $923.65 million, amounting to a negative difference of $1.096 billion) that is fueling the deficit. For context, the Philippines enjoys a surplus of $138.6 million with our second biggest imports source, Japan (with $734.35 million or 9.8%).

Which leads us to the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which Department of Trade and Industry Secretary Ramon Lopez claims “offers wider market opportunities for our exporters and service providers. RCEP countries account for more than 50% of our export market. RCEP has improved levels of market access among each other, but still respects exclusion list for sensitive products mostly for agriculture products.”

Yet, as pointed out previously (“Time for the Senate to look into RCEP,” Nov. 19, 2020): “The RCEP membership itself is something needing examination. Set aside the fact that our closest security ally, the US, is excluded from the agreement, the Philippines already has free trade agreements with all of the RCEP countries: Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, Australia, China, Japan, South Korea, and New Zealand. What the RCEP brings is that the other FTA’s don’t needs further elucidation.

“Right there should also raise concerns on what this ‘noodle bowl’ of trade agreements has on our overworked bureaucracy. The depth and complexity of RCEP leads to further questions on Philippine companies’ capacity for utilization of benefits. After all, we’re still trying to attain the rewards promised by AFTA, JPEPA, and others.”

A clue as to a way forward can be seen from how the international trade environment will react to the recent exit of US President Donald Trump. Bruegel Senior Fellow Jean Pisani-Ferry (“Trump’s International Economic Legacy,” Aug. 27, 2020) points out that “Trump will be remembered for his trade initiatives” and that “three key goals now stand out: reshoring of manufacturing, an overhaul of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and economic decoupling from China. Each objective is likely to outlast Trump’s tenure, at least in part.”

The first is interesting as “reshoring as a policy objective has gained new life after the pandemic exposed the vulnerability entailed by depending exclusively on global sourcing.” This should be contemplated in line with our own policy to buttress industrialization.

The second: deconstructing the WTO and strengthening its rules-based system, including its dispute settlement system, particularly the Appellate Body, should be supported by the Philippines, with the long view of moving the world away from regional agreements and back to the multilateral trading system.

Which leads us to relations with China: “Although bilateral tensions were apparent before Trump’s election in 2016, nobody spoke of a ‘decoupling’ of two countries that had become tightly integrated economically and financially. Four years later, decoupling has begun on several fronts, from technology to trade and investment. Nowadays, US Republicans and Democrats alike view bilateral economic ties through a geopolitical lens.”

This is crucial because the Philippines need to conduct its foreign relations, particularly trade, aligned with its principles and values, including defense of its territorial integrity and respect for human rights. An independent foreign policy cannot mean amicable accommodation to everyone, seemingly the thinking back in 2019, even at the expense of national interest. Pisani-Ferry is correct: at least with regard to international trade, “there won’t be a return to the status quo.”

 

Jemy Gatdula is a Senior Fellow of the Philippine Council for Foreign Relations and a Philippine Judicial Academy law lecturer for constitutional philosophy and jurisprudence.

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US likely logged weakest performance in 74 years

WASHINGTON — The US economy likely contracted at its sharpest pace since World War II in 2020 as coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) ravaged services businesses like restaurants and airlines, throwing millions of Americans out of work and into poverty.

The Commerce Department’s snapshot of fourth-quarter gross domestic product (GDP) on Thursday is also expected to show the recovery from the pandemic losing steam as the year wound down amid a resurgence in coronavirus infections and exhaustion of nearly $3 trillion in relief money from the government.

The Federal Reserve on Wednesday left its benchmark overnight interest rate near zero and pledged to continue injecting money into the economy through bond purchases, noting that “the pace of the recovery in economic activity and employment has moderated in recent months.”

President Joe Biden has unveiled a recovery plan worth $1.9 trillion, and could use the GDP report to lean on some lawmakers who have balked at the price tag soon after the government provided nearly $900 billion in additional stimulus at the end of December.

“Last year was awful for the economy,” said Sung Won Sohn, a finance and economics professor at Loyola Marymount University in Los Angeles. “This was the first service industry recession in recent memory where a lot of jobs were lost.”

Economists are forecasting that the economy contracted by as much as 3.6% in 2020, the worst performance since 1946. That would follow 2.2% growth in 2019 and would be the first annual decline in GDP since the 2007-09 Great Recession.

In the fourth quarter, GDP is estimated to have expanded at a 4% annualized rate, according to a Reuters survey of economists. The virus and lack of another spending package curtailed consumer spending, and partially overshadowed robust manufacturing and the housing market.

The anticipated big step-back, following a historic 33.4% growth pace in the July-September period, would leave GDP roughly 2.3% below its level at the end of 2019. With the virus not yet under control, economists are expecting growth to further slow down in the first quarter of 2021, before regaining speed by summer as the additional stimulus kicks in and more Americans get vaccinated.

“No doubt it will be a challenging few months as the vaccines struggle to get distributed and lockdowns remain in place,” said Sam Bullard, a senior economist at Wells Fargo Securities in Charlotte, North Carolina. “However, as COVID gets under control, we expect growth to ratchet higher, running at around a 7% pace in the second half of the year.”

K-SHAPED RECOVERY
The services sector has borne the brunt of the coronavirus recession, disproportionately impacting lower-wage earners, who tend to be women and minorities. That has led to a so-called K-shaped recovery, where better-paid workers are doing well while lower-paid workers are losing out.

The stars of the recovery have been the housing market and manufacturing as those who are still employed seek larger homes away from city centers, and buy electronics for home offices and schooling. Manufacturing’s share of GDP has increased to 11.9% from 11.6 at the end of 2019.

A survey last week by professors at the University of Chicago and the University of Notre Dame showed poverty increased by 2.4 percentage points to 11.8% in the second half of 2020, boosting the ranks of the poor by 8.1 million people.

Rising poverty is likely be underscored by persistent labor market weakness. The Labor Department is expected to report on Thursday that 875,000 more people filed for state unemployment benefits last week, according to a Reuters survey.

About 16 million Americans were receiving unemployment checks at the end of 2020. The economy shed jobs in December for the first time in eight months. Only 12.4 million of the 22.2 million jobs lost in March and April have been recovered.

Lack of jobs and the expiration of a government weekly jobless subsidy likely restrained growth in consumer spending to about a 3% rate in the fourth quarter. Consumer spending, which accounts for more than two-thirds of the US economy, notched a record 41% pace in the July-September quarter.

Renewed business restrictions likely kept spending on services subdued. Demand for goods that complement life at home probably boosted business investment, with double digit growth expected again in the fourth quarter.

Businesses were also rebuilding inventories last quarter, which is likely to have contributed to GDP growth. But the inventory accumulation included imports, likely leading to a larger trade deficit, which subtracted from growth.

Another quarter of double-digit growth is expected from the housing market, thanks to historically low mortgage rates. Government spending was likely weak, hurt by state and local governments, whose finances have been squeezed by the pandemic. — Reuters