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Solon says proposed Metro Davao agency still to hurdle bicam with different House, Senate versions

DAVAO City Rep. Isidro T. Ungab said the creation of the Metropolitan Davao Development Authority (MDDA) will still take time as the approved versions in the two chambers of Congress have differences.

Mr. Ungab said the proposed law will have to go through a bicameral conference committee to reconcile the varying provisions.

The Senate committee on local government, along with several other related committees, jointly approved the measure last week. But the joint panels still have to consolidate the three versions of the bill passed by different senators.

“The said joint committee will first consolidate the mentioned three Senate bills and this House bill,” Mr. Ungab, who sponsored the bill that was approved by the House of Representatives in March, said in a text message.

The Senate joint committee report will first be presented to the plenary.

“I hope Senator Francis Tolentino will present it on the floor when Congress resumes on July,” Mr. Ungab said.

“Medyo mahaba pa ang (It is still quite a long) process,” he added.

One of the main differences in the Senate and House versions is the coverage of the metro Davao area.

Under House Bill 8930, the MDDA will cover 10 towns and cities, namely: Tagum City, Panabo City, Carmen, and Samal in Davao del Norte; Davao City; Digos City and Sta. Cruz in Davao del Sur; Mati City in Davao Oriental; Maco in Davao de Oro; and Malita in Davao Occidental.

At the Senate deliberations, Senator Ronald M. dela Rosa recommended adding the municipalities of Hagonoy, Padada, Malalag, and Sta. Maria, all in his home province of Davao del Sur.

This proposal was approved in principle at the joint committee level. — Maya M. Padillo

Cebu province planning financial help for returning overseas Filipinos diverted to Manila 

MACTANCEBUAIRPORT.COM

THE CEBU provincial government is looking at how it can assist returning residents whose international flights were diverted to Manila due to a national government order and will now have to book an extra domestic flight to Cebu.

Governor Gwendolyn F. Garcia said this was discussed during a meeting Friday with both government and private sector representatives.

“We had initially discussed this with Dr. (Christina) Giango (Provincial Health Office head) and Cebu City Acting Mayor Michael Rama if we could possibly extend assistance to the ROFs (returning overseas Filipinos) who need to shell out extra funds for their ticket coming from Manila to Cebu,” Ms. Garcia said in a statement.

She said they need to come up with a contingency plan in case the diversion of Cebu-bound international flights is extended again.

The governor said they will also talk to airlines “to come up with an arrangement for the airfares.”

The order to divert flights, which arose from an impasse between the national and provincial governments over quarantine protocols for ROFs, was supposed to be in effect from May 29 to June 5, then extended to June 12.

As of Sunday, June 13, government and airport authorities could not be immediately reached for comment as to whether international flights were already landing again at the Mactan-Cebu International Airport.

An executive order from the governor and an ordinance passed by the provincial board requires returning overseas Filipino workers and other residents to stay in a hotel for a period of only two to three days after being swabbed for coronavirus testing upon arrival.

Under the national policy, all arriving international passengers must undergo a 10-day quarantine and swabbing on the seventh day from arrival. — MSJ

BGC-Ortigas link

DPWH

A ROAD connecting Bonifacio Global City (BGC) and Ortigas Center is expected to be completed by the end of the year, the Department of Public Works and Highways announced on Sunday. The 1.37-kilometer connector road is seen to absorb “20% of the traffic volume of EDSA and C-5 Road,” it said.

BIR starts enforcing 12% VAT on exporters, citing TRAIN law

LIMA Estate’s 30-hectare commercial area in Batangas. — BW FILE PHOTO
COMPANY HANDOUT

THE BUREAU of Internal Revenue (BIR) issued rules over the weekend setting a 12% value-added tax (VAT) on export sales of companies that had previously been exempt, a move it said was authorized by the Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN) law.

The BIR issued Revenue Regulations (RR) No. 9-2021 on Friday, a copy of which was published over the weekend, implementing the VAT on zero-rated goods and services of exporters.

“RR 9-2021 is meant to announce that… those transactions are no longer zero-rated but now subject to 12% VAT as required under the TRAIN Law,” Marissa O. Cabreros, deputy commissioner at the BIR said in a Viber message on Sunday.

Transactions covered under the new rules are export sales of raw materials and packaging items to a foreign buyer that will be delivered to a resident export enterprise for manufacturing in the Philippines.

Raw materials and packaging items sold to export-oriented companies which derive 70% of total sales from exports will also pay 12% VAT, along with export sales covered by Executive Order No. 226 or the Omnibus Investments Code of 1987.

VAT will also be imposed on outsourced services such as processing, manufacturing or repacking of goods to be exported. Services by contractors and subcontractors working for a company that exports most of its products are also covered by the new rule.

Republic Act No. 10963 or TRAIN took effect in 2018, cutting personal income tax while increasing the rates on some goods and services.

Under the law, the BIR can only implement the 12% VAT on export-oriented companies once it improves the VAT refund system which will meet a standard refund within 90 days from filing. Other conditions are to pay out all pending VAT refund claims as of the end of 2017; and to set up a refund center that will handle the claims.

The BIR also issued RR 8-2021 on Saturday easing procedures on coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19)-related imports such as protective equipment and vaccines, by removing the requirement of obtaining an authority to release import goods before such items are released.

The regulation also affirmed that the threshold for VAT-exempt homes will remain at P3.199 million. It likewise allowed companies to apply for tax refunds on their excess payments of percentage tax, after the Corporate Recovery and Tax Incentives for Enterprises (CREATE) Act lowered the rate to one percent from three percent starting July 2020.

Those who shifted to VAT-registered taxpayer from being a non-VAT enterprise previously, and those that opted to avail the eight percent income tax rate starting 2021 can file percentage tax refunds.

Otherwise, taxpayers can opt to carry-over the excess payments in the next quarters.

“This carry-over portion is intended for percentage taxpayers who are regularly filing the returns and are expected to have overpaid taxes as a result of the retroactive application of the CREATE,” it said. — Beatrice M. Laforga

Energy efficiency industry bats for inclusion of vehicles in DoE

gas-pump-automobile-3153420_1280

By Angelica Y. Yang, Reporter

THE Philippine Energy Efficiency Alliance, Inc. (PE2) said it is pushing for the inclusion of gasoline and diesel-powered motor vehicles in the Department of Energy’s (DoE) energy labeling guidelines.

The DoE’s Philippine Energy Labeling Program (PELP) requires sellers to affix labels on TV sets, refrigerators, cooling products, and lighting products, detailing their respective energy-efficiency ratings, monthly energy consumption, and power input in watts, among others.

“We’re very glad that the PELP and its implementing guidelines are out… We need to see more products but that’s a good start. We’d like to see the day where motor vehicles become part of it, where motors — industrial and commercial — are also part of (PELP), and more and more appliances get covered,” PE2 President Alexander de Ramos Ablaza told BusinessWorld in a video call on June 9.

Mr. Ablaza specified the need for fuel consumption ratings, noting that vehicles need to be labeled accordingly, as is the practice in South Korea, Japan and the US.

According to a DoE circular issued in June 2020, additional energy-consuming products may fall under PELP›s coverage after public consultation with the environment and transportation departments.

Mr. Ablaza described the PELP›s initial list of products as among the “most energy-intensive.”

“Cooling and lighting are of the biggest loads of medium-sized businesses, (and) small and micro businesses, as well as residential and household sectors… I think the initial set of appliances covered by the PELP implementing guidelines would cover a huge portion of the final energy demand of these smaller sectors,” he said.

He said lack of action on energy-consumption standards puts the Philippines at risk of becoming a “dumping ground” for less efficient appliances.

The energy labeling rules allow consumers to assess a product’s efficiency ratings before making a purchase.

Offshore miners considering PHL after government lifts ban on new concessions

REUTERS

MAJOR offshore mining groups have expressed their interest in the Philippines after Executive Order (EO) No. 130 opened the door for new projects, according to the Offshore Mining Chamber of the Philippines (OMCP).

OMCP Chairman Gary B. Olivar said in a statement Sunday that the companies include Primetals Technologies Ltd. of Austria; Duro Felguera SA of Spain; Nakanishi Shipbuilding, Kurimoto Iron Works, Kansai Design Co., and JTrade Co. of Japan, and other such companies based in Indonesia, Malta, Australia, China, and Hong Kong.

Due to rising international interest, Mr. Olivar asked the national government to initiate a review of tenement claims to facilitate the entry of new investors, and to deploy equipment to lay the groundwork for proper exploration, seabed scientific research, and sea bottom profiling.

“The Mines and Geosciences Bureau (MGB) of the Department of Environment and Natural Resources should start a review of its mine tenement ownership systems and processes, with a view towards delisting inactive tenement claims,” Mr. Olivar said.

“Land banking can occur offshore as well as onshore and must be curbed in the greater interest of spurring this new industry to contribute to the recovery,” he added.

Mr. Olivar said one of OMCP’s members, Cagayan Blue Offshore Aquamarine Services Corp. (CBO), recently invested in an offshore exploration tug, which has arrived in  Manila.

He said the vessel will be soon deployed to Cagayan and Pangasinan for offshore exploration, the dredging of flood-stricken areas, and river widening.

According to Mr. Olivar, the vessel has specialized equipment that allows it to see up to 100 meters below the sea bottom to assess the presence of mineral resources, and also identify objects which must be avoided by minersm such as coral, cables, old bombs, and sunken vessels.  

CBO has been engaged by JDVC Resources Corp. and its parent Apollo Global Capital, Inc. for the preparation of the seabed, bulk sampling, efficient trenching of offshore areas, and all seabed developmental stages in preparation for the commercial production and export of magnetite iron.

President Rodrigo R. Duterte signed EO 130 on April 14, which removed a ban on the issuance of new mining agreements, in an effort to boost government revenue and help the economy recover from the pandemic. — Revin Mikhael D. Ochave

PPA seeking master planning consultants for 10 sea ports

THE Philippine Ports Authority (PPA) said it is soliciting bids to provide consultancy services for feasibility studies and master planning at 10 ports.

“The Philippine Ports Authority now calls for submission of eligibility documents for the consultancy services for the conduct of feasibility studies and formulation of master plans at selected ports,” the agency said in its request for expression of interest.

The ports are Tapal, Ubay, Bohol; Ubay Port, Bohol; Tilik Port, Lubang Island; Glan Port, Sarangani; Tachimus Port, Itbayat, Batanes; Sta. Magdalena, Sorsogon; Cataingan Port, Masbate; Maribojoc Port, Bohol; San Jose Port, Dinagat Islands; and Lavezares, Northern Samar.

The agency said the total budget for the contract is P26,371,062.81, as set by the Department of Transportation.

The Bids and Awards Committee (BAC) will accept eligibility documents until June 18 at 9 a.m. at its office at the PPA Building in Manila.

The opening of the eligibility documents will take place at 10 a.m. on June 18.

Applications for eligibility will be evaluated based on non-discretionary “pass/fail” criteria, the PPA said.

Interested bidders may acquire a complete set of bidding documents on June 10 for P25,000.

“The BAC will draw up the short list of consultants from those who have submitted expressions of interest, including the eligibility documents, and have been determined as eligible in accordance with the provisions of Republic Act 9184 (RA 9184) otherwise known as the ‘Government Procurement Reform Act,’ and its Implementing Rules and Regulations,” the PPA said.

The short list will consist of more than five prospective bidders who will be entitled to submit bids.

“Shortlisting of eligible consultants will be done based on the following criteria; Consultancy firm’s experience, methodology and key personnel. Bids whose technical proposals pass the minimum technical rating of 70% shall have their financial proposals opened and evaluated. The technical proposal shall carry 80% weight in the bid evaluation, while the weight for the financial proposal is 20%,” the agency said.

The auction format is open competitive bidding using non-discretionary “pass/fail” criterion.

The agency also noted that the bidding is restricted to Filipino citizens or sole proprietorships, cooperatives, and partnerships or organizations with at least 60% interest or outstanding capital stock belonging to citizens of the Philippines.  — Arjay L. Balinbin

Dominguez calls on GOCC council to improve oversight

FINANCE SECRETARY CARLOS G. DOMINGUEZ III — SEONGJOON CHO/BLOOMBERG

FINANCE SECRETARY Carlos G. Dominguez III said the Governance Commission for government-owned and -controlled corporations (GCG) needs to improve its oversight over state-run firms.

Mr. Dominguez noted discrepancies in some assessments made by the GCG, saying that its report “contrasts sharply” with the assessment made by the Insurance Commission, which recently reviewed government-owned insurance companies.

“I have noticed the incongruence between the evaluation made by the GCG against those made by regulatory agencies. This should not be the case,” he told the GCG last week. A copy of his speech was released over the weekend.

“The discrepancies could cause confusion among the regulated and reviewed state enterprises. More seriously, they could bring forth errors in policy for the government,” he added.

He also flagged poor analysis of GOCC (government-owned and -controlled corporation) financial statements, after finding that some GOCCs received high ratings even if they failed to comply with accounting and reporting standards.

“You have actually rated some of the government insurance companies very highly when in fact they do not adhere to international standards of accounting and reporting. This, I think, is a failure not only of CoA (Commission on Audit) but also of the GCG. So, I urge you to strengthen your ability to analyze the financial statements of each and every GOCC,” Mr. Dominguez told GCG.

He said the commission needs to consider the assessments made by other agencies conducting regular reviews on the state-run firms.

Mr. Dominguez said dividends remitted by GOCCs have averaged P57 billion yearly under the Duterte administration, more than double the remittances achieved by the previous government.

Last year, the government asked GOCCs to remit their dividends early to boost available funds to deal with the pandemic. It collected a record P157 billion in 2020, up 127%.

Mr. Dominguez said the Department of Finance is ready to help the GCG improve GOCCs, which he believes should “transform into sustainable business units.” State-run companies also have to be “prudent” in using the subsidies they receive from the government.

The government subsidizes GOCCs to cover operational expenses that they cannot finance with their own revenues. Subsidies to GOCCs hit P35.26 billion in the four months to April, down 38% year on year.

“The government corporate sector is an important tool for economic growth and development. GOCCs are expected to perform government and business functions, and fulfill their mandate to provide essential services to the Filipino people,” he added. — Beatrice M. Laforga

Time for CEOs to redefine their growth paradigm

(First of two parts)

In the current business environment, we keep hearing the term “new normal” being used by business and government leaders to provide context to the sweeping changes that have disrupted the global business ecosystem due to COVID-19. The question is, how can CEOs today realign their businesses to thrive in this “new normal?”

Reimagining and redefining the company’s growth strategy has become a new imperative for CEOs. As discussed in a recent article on ey.com, The CEO Imperative: Rebound to more sustainable growth, CEOs need to accept that a post-COVID growth strategy simply cannot rely on previous assumptions and principles. In order to create long-term value as the global economy recovers, CEOs need to shift their business paradigms to both redefine their strategy as well as focus on new platforms that are anchored on a clear purpose-led vision.

WHAT’S CHANGED?
With the numerous restrictions implemented by governments to help manage the pandemic, businesses’ growth has been severely and negatively impacted. But even as we plan for and work towards a global recovery, companies recognize that the basics of their business have changed. Even more so, companies also understand that their stakeholders — their employees, investors, regulators and especially, their customers, have developed a different perspective on the role of companies. Market forces have also changed, with governments taking more active and interventionist positions in creating policies, stakeholders increasing their scrutiny on sustainability programs — notably on the environment, social and corporate governance, customer behavior changes, more competition to find or develop the right talent to drive post-pandemic recovery, and an increasing need to invest in technology to sustain business continuity.

With these changes, it becomes even more imperative that organizations revisit their purpose in order to meet changing expectations. For some companies who have not yet firmly established their organizational purpose, this may mean a complete reboot.

PURPOSE AS AN ECONOMIC IMPERATIVE
Beyond financials, companies are now seeing that being purpose-led can have significant benefits such as stronger people and customer engagement and fostering a culture of innovation in the organization. In terms of metrics, studies have shown that companies with a focus on ESG can better find ways to lower their cost of capital, as discussed in a 2020 MSCI report, as well as promote long-term engagement.

It is worthwhile to note that establishing a purpose is a continuous and long-term journey for most companies. It goes beyond simply creating a purpose statement; there is also a need to drive fundamental organizational change to lay a solid foundation for purpose-led transformation.

For example, the SGV Purpose to nurture leaders and enable businesses for a better Philippines has been deeply embedded into our culture, programs and long-term strategy focusing on internal people development as well as external programs and activities to support business development, with a long-term vision of participating in and supporting national socio-economic development.

DRIVING PURPOSEFUL, SUSTAINABLE GROWTH
To drive a truly purpose-led strategy, CEOs may wish to consider incorporating these considerations into their programs, with an overarching emphasis on keeping people at the center of every decision.

TRUST AS AN ASSET WITH AN EMPHASIS ON SUSTAINABILITY
While trust has always been critical in the business-customer relationship, the disruptions driven by the pandemic have created fundamental changes in this relationship. With more people being online and expecting faster, near real-time responses to their needs, building and sustaining trust becomes even more important. In a sense, trust has also become a form of intangible currency for many companies.

What is also significant is that many sectors see the COVID crisis as an opportunity for large companies to reinvent themselves, with a shift to purpose-driven metrics on people, customers, communities and the environment. In fact, a number of business leaders believe that the pandemic has increased the expectation on businesses to drive, measure and report on social impact, sustainability and inclusive growth.

At the core of this need to strengthen trust is the need for greater transparency. There is now a stronger need for corporate reporting to include non-financial metrics, especially since doubt in corporate reporting has grown in recent years.

In the Philippines, the Securities and Exchange Commission in 2019 had mandated that companies produce an annual sustainability report to promote wider adherence to the principles of corporate governance. The benefit to companies of this requirement is the ability to disclose to the wider public their non-financial assets — including culture, intellectual and technology assets — and how they are used to create long-term ESG value under a purpose lens and not just a matter of compliance.

In a nutshell, for CEOs to gain the trust of stakeholders, they may wish to integrate more in-depth non-financial or sustainability reporting into their strategy while paying attention to the changing needs of their stakeholders and being transparent in articulating their purpose-led strategy.

In the next part of this article, we will discuss the other areas for CEOs to consider as they explore how they can redefine their companies’ growth paradigms. These include trade, technology, and people.

This article is for general information only and is not a substitute for professional advice where the facts and circumstances warrant. The views and opinions expressed above are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of SGV & Co.

 

Marie Stephanie C. Tan-Hamed is a Strategy and Transactions Partner of SGV & Co.

Red Alert and EPIRA

From May 31 to June 1, thin power reserves resulted in the National Grid Corporation of the Philippines (NGCP) raising yellow and red alerts and hours-long rotational brownouts in some parts of Luzon. Understandably, this episode drew indignation from consumers and sharp criticism from pundits and politicians.

To me, this very much feels like déjà vu. On Jan. 27, 2014, I wrote an article (“The way forward for the power industry,” https://www.bworldonline.com/content.php?section=Opinion&title=The-way-forward-for-the-power-industry&id=82546) on the then price spikes and the hearings and investigations that ensued. Much like in 2014, the initial reaction and resulting discourse centered around short-cut solutions due to an oversimplified understanding of what is a difficult-to-understand industry. Much of the criticism was directed towards the Electric Power Industry Reform Act (EPIRA), which is the law passed in 2001 to reform the electricity industry.

I said then that a fair appraisal of EPIRA could be captured in the common idiom “so far, so good.” Seven years later, I would now submit that EPIRA, “like fine wine, has grown better with age.”

When discussing EPIRA, it is always important to start from the beginning. EPIRA was created to address long-term structural weaknesses in our power system that accumulated over time and resulted in crippling brownouts in the 1990s and a ballooning debt burden for the government. It was likewise meant to introduce competition to bring down power rates, give consumers more choice, and attract long-term private capital.

In 2014, I explained that EPIRA had advanced in the privatization of 80% of government assets. I mentioned that it had progressed, albeit at a slower pace than envisioned, in market formation with the Wholesale Electricity Spot Market (WESM) and Retail Competition and Open Access (RCOA), which has given businesses, and soon individual consumers, the choice of where they source their power and the ability to get better rates.

Since then, EPIRA has recorded more wins. From 2011 to 2020, we have seen a decline in the prices of electricity in most major markets. In this time period, WESM prices have fallen by 43%, Meralco generation rates by 16%, and RCOA (from 2017 only) by 17%.

We have seen the entry of new generation companies (gencos). The sale of assets to the private sector yielded the government P911 billion that reduced the obligations of the Power Sector Assets and Liabilities Management Corp. (PSALM), and, more importantly, unburdened the government from spending to build new plants to keep up with growing demand.

Now, you may wonder, if EPIRA has been mostly a success, why are we still experiencing rotational brownouts? Surely this is not evidence of success. To be clear, EPIRA as a law laid the legal foundation for a sustainable and competitive electricity sector, but like any law, it is only effective if we implement it properly, if market participants play by the rules, and if our regulators enforce the rules effectively.

By most measures, the implementation of EPIRA has been incomplete and slow. A clear example of this is the RCOA Market. It was intended to provide all consumers with the power to choose their power supplier not later than three years after EPIRA enactment, but the implementation started only in 2013. Today, 17 years have elapsed and we have only partially implemented it.

EPIRA’s implementation requires the private sector to carry a greater role in the mission of powering the country. On this front, we have seen a number of shortcomings. First, while we see significant growth in the generation side of the industry (capacity increased from 15 GWs in 2003 to 26 GWs in end-2020), we still experience gaps in power supply. This is primarily because as a fast-growing economy, power demand is expanding at a pace that gencos are hard-pressed to keep up with. A contributing factor is that much of our existing generation fleet is old and thus given to breakdowns.

On the transmission side of the industry, we have seen bottlenecks in the construction of transmission lines. On average, transmission lines are three to four years delayed in their implementation. Without certainty in transmission, generators are unable to build new power plants. We have also seen that the transmission line operator has not fully contracted firm power reserves. Where the system operator’s role is to procure reserves, much like procuring a genset for your home, to call on in a time of power crisis, it has not procured sufficient firm reserves and so is unable to faithfully perform its role as an emergency backstop.

Finally, our regulators play an important role in seeing to it that the rules are properly enforced. On this front, I can only describe our regulator’s approach as schizophrenic, where they have tended to over-regulate the competitive part of the industry and under-regulate the regulated part of the industry.

EPIRA designed the power generation side to be competitive, and allow competition to yield lower prices and higher reliability. There are rules in place, including market power restrictions, to keep any one player from unfairly prejudicing the consumer. Unfortunately, since then, the regulators have churned out regulation after regulation to curb the activities of generators. Each regulation is designed with the consumer in mind, but, as with many regulations and laws, they often carry unintended consequences that distort the behavior and incentives of market participants. When investors do not build new plants or do so slowly because the business environment has been riddled with regulatory uncertainty and risks, end consumers and our entire economy lose.

On the other hand, the regulators have fallen short in its responsibility to enforce the rules over NGCP, which has the monopoly over the transmission lines in the country. NGCP over the past 10 years has been non-compliant with the rules that require it to build transmission line infrastructure to ensure that we have the power when and where we need it, especially during times of power shortage. The non-compliances come in the form of a lack of transmission lines, a lack of redundancies in our network, a lack of power reserves, and not meeting the IPO requirement under the law.

The schizophrenic approach to regulation is also apparent in the approach to regulating the weighted average cost of capital (WACC) allowed different market participants. Where arguably the WACC used by regulators to regulate rates of competitive gencos should be higher than that of a monopoly, reflecting the higher risk environment, it is today the reverse. The monopoly (NGCP) earns a higher return in a market where it has no competitor.

Where do we go from here? If we want to avoid the power shortages that we just experienced, we need to first correct our regulatory approach. We have a strong legal and regulatory framework in EPIRA. Our regulators should focus on enforcing it rather than adding to it. More specifically, our regulators should focus on regulating the regulated business of transmission of power and consider simplifying the rules for gencos to allow the market to work, to de-risk the environment and to attract more long-term private capital.

In order to ensure that we have adequate reserves, the regulators should compel the Systems Operator to contract the full, firm reserve requirement. This can be done within 30 days, as there are genco offers today sitting on the desks at NGCP. This would ensure that we have the spare reserves the next time that the supply of power thins.

Lastly, we need to fast track the implementation of the transmission line network. A three to four-year year lag creates significant uncertainty and an imbalance in the market. Correcting this will de-risk the investment environment and will encourage the entry of more power capacity into the grid.

All in all, EPIRA has come a long way and has saved billions for consumers and taxpayers alike. Let’s focus our efforts on making it work.

The views and opinions in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of these Institutions.

 

Romeo L. Bernardo was Finance Undersecretary during the Cory Aquino and Fidel Ramos administrations. He is an Independent Director in a major publicly listed conglomerate active in the energy business and serves as a Trustee/Director in the Foundation for Economic Freedom, The Management Association of the Philippines and The Finex Foundation.

romeo.lopez.bernardo@gmail.com

The importance of tobacco taxes for post-pandemic recovery

KLIMKIN/PIXABAY

In December 2020, Tobacconomics launched the first edition of its “Cigarette Tax Scorecard,” a study assessing cigarette tax policy performance in more than 170 countries between 2012 and 2018. The good news is that the Philippines ranked seventh in total performance, together with Bahrain, Canada, and Saudi Arabia. Among all East Asian countries, the Philippines scored the highest, with an overall score of 3.75 out of five.

The scorecard, which uses data from the World Health Organization, took into account four scoring components: absolute price of cigarettes, changes in cigarette affordability, share of taxes in retail price, and tax structure.

While the study emphasized the huge impact of tax increases on reducing tobacco use among the vulnerable, it concluded that most countries are failing to tax cigarettes effectively. Almost half of the countries in the study scored less than two out of the maximum five points.

The Philippines, however, is cited as one of the five countries with the greatest improvements in cigarette tax policy from 2012 to 2018. In terms of change in cigarette affordability and tax structure, our cigarette tax policy received the highest possible score of five.

Our high overall score can be attributed to our landmark cigarette tax reforms over the past decade, particularly the Sin Tax Law of 2012 and the Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN) Law of 2017, which significantly raised taxes on tobacco products, made cigarettes less affordable, and simplified our excise tax system.

The Sin Tax Law was the most critical of our excise tax reforms, as it overhauled our previously complicated excise tax system. Aside from an immediate increase in excise tax rates and automatic annual cigarette tax increases, it introduced unitary tax rates which simplified tax administration, removed the “price classification freeze” so that brands pay taxes based on their respective current prices rather than 1996 prices, and earmarked incremental excise tax revenues to fund universal health care (UHC) for Filipinos and alternative livelihood programs for tobacco farmers.

While the outcomes of these reforms are laudable, the study acknowledged that the four grading components in the scorecard failed to measure the effectiveness of tax administration, which is critical to minimize tax avoidance and evasion. Thus, for the gains from our past reforms to be sustained, we need to be vigilant in monitoring tax administration and compliance.

A 2020 study by Filomeno Sta. Ana III and Jo-ann Diosana showed that the series of disruptive tax rates imposed in the Philippines since 2012 creates an incentive for cigarette producers to take part in illicit trade. While we have strengthened tax administration, giving us relatively effective control of illicit trade, the government can do more to combat it through putting in place a tracing and tracking system to record the movement of cigarette packs through the supply chain and involving local government units in preventing illicit trade.

Aside from assessing countries’ cigarette tax policies, the study also articulated a crucial point moving forward: given the COVID-19 pandemic and economic crisis, improved tobacco tax policies are a golden opportunity to raise revenues for economic recovery while promoting public health.

Indeed, the Philippines needs to mobilize revenues to recover from the pandemic. Numerous surges, lockdowns and our inability to keep the virus at bay have taken their toll on our economy.

The pandemic has led to large deficit spending, although we urge government to spend more aggressively for health and social protection. But as the pandemic subsides, the deficit has to be rolled back gradually, even as necessary spending for the better normal remains. In this context, new tax revenues are critical, especially for health expenditures. Now, more than ever, we see the urgency of augmenting funding for universal health care, as the UHC Law has yet to be implemented since its passage in 2019. We need more fiscal space to mitigate the consequences of the pandemic and finance health system improvements, and raising tobacco taxes further can provide us that space. Thus, the next administration will find it relevant to again significantly increase tobacco taxes.

Beyond its revenue implications, tobacco taxation is primarily a public health strategy, as it leads to higher cigarette prices, which lower smoking prevalence and prevents the initiation of new smokers. The Department of Science and Technology – Food and Nutrition Research Institute’s 2019 Expanded National Nutrition Survey (ENNS) showed that smoking prevalence among adults over 20 is at 19.9%, a large drop from the 2018 rate of 20.7%, 2013 rate of 25.4% and 2008 rate of 31%. These huge drops in smoking prevalence can be attributed to our tobacco tax reforms in the past decade.

Smoking is linked to increased risk of disease severity in COVID-19 cases, which makes promoting public health and reducing smoking prevalence all the more important at this time. Reducing smoking prevalence will decrease the burden of tobacco-induced diseases on our overstretched health system and allow us to build a better, healthier new normal — one with a health system that has the capacity to handle future surges and pandemics.

Thus, tobacco taxes have three major benefits: they improve health outcomes and increase government revenue in the short term, but in the long term, they could reduce the impact of future COVID-19 surges and crises on our health system.

We hope that health advocates and legislators recognize the need for further increases on tobacco taxes post-pandemic. This is a crucial step we need to take to rebuild and strengthen our healthcare system and recover from this monumental health and economic crisis.

The Tobacconomics Cigarette Tax Scorecard can be accessed here: https://tobacconomics.org/research/cigarette-tax-scorecard/.

 

Pia Rodrigo is the communications officer of Action for Economic Reforms.

Just another Independence Day

CALOOCAN PERSONNEL conduct maintenance work at Andres Bonifacio National Monument in Caloocan on June 10, a couple of days ahead of the 123rd Anniversary of Philippine Independence. — PHILIPPINE STAR/ MICHAEL VARCAS

June 12, 2021. It was the 123rd anniversary of the declaration of Philippine independence from Spain by Emilio Aguinaldo at Kawit, Cavite. Why did it feel like it was just another Independence Day? The news preceding the day was hogged by this feisty-looking little woman with her jaw thrust out to challenge the world record for the oldest living female person in the world — 123-year-old Francisca Montes-Susano of the Philippines!

But the COVID-19 pandemic that has gripped the world for the past year and a half has choked enthusiasm for celebrations for Francisca for her Guinness World Record nor for the same-aged Philippine Independence. It is the second consecutive Independence Day spent in the pandemic. COVID has terrorized the whole country as it has intimidated and bullied the world to utmost self-restraint and obedience to the rigid protocols needed to contain it.

Freedoms lost in the COVID dystopia brutally shame the celebration of utopian freedoms in a democratic nation. Reality embarrasses gushy Idealism. The last grand Independence Day civil-military parade of uniformed organizations and public and private entities before the Luneta Grandstand in Manila was held in 2018 to mark the 120th year of nationhood. Three years ago, way before COVID-19 was even a flu virus variant in that marketplace in Wuhan, China, where the pandemic is believed to have originated from.

It seems it might not be just the COVID then, that has doused the noticeably diminishing exuberance for Independence Day celebrations on June 12 each year. Some old-timers talk among themselves that Independence Day, back when it was celebrated on July 4 (for almost 20 years until 1964) was really a big bash — like Americans celebrate their own July 4th Independence Day with fireworks to this day. But to jog the clingy memories of these nostalgic seniors: on May 12, 1962, President Diosdado Macapagal issued Presidential Proclamation No. 28, which declared June 12 as Philippine Independence Day, while Republic Act No. 4166 of Aug. 4, 1964 renamed the July 4 holiday as Philippine Republic Day. Then Philippine Flag Day, which was earlier celebrated on June 12 was moved to May 28 with Proclamation No. 374.

Some would still question the realignment of anniversaries to milestone events in Philippine independence. History textbooks (e.g., Agoncillo, Teodoro: A History of the Filipino People, 1990) tell of the sequence of events starting from the Philippine Revolution against the Spanish in 1896 to the granting of Philippine independence by the Americans in 1946. In 1897 the Revolution ended with a truce declared with the Pact of Biak-na-bato; Emilio Aguinaldo and other Filipino revolutionaries were exiled to Hong Kong. In May 1898, the Spanish-American War broke out; the Americans won and took control of the Philippines from Spain. Emilio Aguinaldo et al. were allowed to come back to the Philippines. The losing Spaniards later ceded the Philippine archipelago to the United States in the 1898 Treaty of Paris.

On June 12, 1898, Aguinaldo proclaimed Philippine Independence but failed to win international recognition of this.

In 1902, the United States Congress created the Philippine Assembly, with members to be elected by Filipinos (males only; women did not have the right to vote until after 1937). The 1916 Jones Act (Philippine Autonomy Act) declared the United States government’s commitment to eventually grant independence to the Philippines. The 1934 Tydings-McDuffie Act (Philippine Independence Act) created the Commonwealth of the Philippines the following year, increasing self-governance in advance of independence, and establishing a process towards full Philippine independence (originally scheduled for 1944, but interrupted and delayed by World War II). The United States granted independence on July 4, 1946, following World War II and the Japanese occupation of the Philippines, through the Treaty of Manila.

Some still ask, should Philippine Independence be celebrated on June 12, the anniversary of Aguinaldo’s failed declaration on June 12, 1898, or on July 4 based on the actual, real, and final granting of independence to the Philippines by the United States of America on July 4, 1946?

Perhaps the more technically inclined would tend to insist on July 4 as the factual marker of Philippine independence. But from the Philippine National Anthem’s lyric, “Lupang Hinirang” (beloved country) it can be gleaned that the Filipino passion for freedom could not just have been sated by the grandiose behest of the second historical colonizer, America. “Alab ng puso” or “fervor burning” must be inflamed by a revolution, as in the brave uprising of Andres Bonifacio’s Katipuneros and Emilio Aguinaldo’s challenge to the three centuries’ grip of the original colonizer, Spain. So it is that June 12, with its technical ambiguities, marks Philippine independence, though unilaterally declared, as “won” from passionate revolution.

As was Freedom won from the dictator Ferdinand Marcos with the EDSA People Power Revolution of February 1986 that ended the 14-year-long Martial Law from 1972. Fourteen years! How did a people, enlightened about Freedom and Rights, allow one of its sons to reverse and trample roles in a democracy, of a government of the people, for the people, and by the people? Thank God that there was an awakening, as the Snap Elections that Marcos himself earlier set into motion to “convince” the people (and himself, maybe) that the majority of Filipinos still wanted him to stay and be dictator for life. But the manipulation and cheating of election results, helped by active pre-election disinformation campaigns to glorify Marcos and pro-Marcos candidates while killing off chances of the oppositionists, had angered the people at last. Thus arose the groundswell of passion to fight for freedoms and rights lost, bursting fiery but unbloody in a second and perhaps more memorable “Independence Day,” on Feb. 25, 1986.

Passion for the independence of a people and a jealous awareness and close-guarding of freedoms and rights must be foremost for physical, moral, and spiritual/intellectual survival and development of society and individuals. The rule of law, derived from the Constitution and natural moral laws and values, must guide life and liberties for common peace and harmony. How sad that Independence Day commemorations are not as celebrated with the bravado of past years. There is subliminal value, or even just psychological and mental entrenchment of lessons learned from freedoms lost and won, in remembering freedom days.

How eerily alarming that today the Philippines is facing a national election, to be held on May 6, 2022 — barely a year from now, while still under the stranglehold of the COVID-19 pandemic, and with the political unrest that competes for the people’s distracted focus. It jars concerns and anxieties that the dilemma of political confirmation of present leadership vis-à-vis a change in government comes so like the Snap Elections that could have confirmed approval of a dynastic dictatorship by Marcos in 1986.

The Rappler List of 2021 Independence Day protests and activities announced actual street protests and online discussions “in light of issues of Philippine sovereignty involving the Chinese militarization of the West Philippine Sea and President Rodrigo Duterte’s policy of dealing with China and its encroachment into Philippine waters,” is said. “Groups have also emphasized that this year’s celebration will renew calls urging Filipinos to vote and choose the right leaders as the 2022 Philippine elections draw nearer.”

Among the groups mobilized were Anakbayan, League of Filipino Students (LFS), Kabataan Party list, and the 1Sambayan opposition coalition.

Independence Day 2021, before the 2022 elections, tremulously feels like the days before the Filipinos’ immediately-past (1986) revolution for Freedom.

 

Amelia H. C. Ylagan is a Doctor of Business Administration from the University of the Philippines.

ahcylagan@yahoo.com