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Constructing transitional justice

Transitional justice has been one of the buzzwords in the peace agreement between the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), specifically, under the Annex on Normalization. True to its mandate, the Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) submitted its Final Report to both panels in March 2016, providing explanations for historical injustice, legitimate grievances, human rights violations, and marginalization through land dispossession, and offering analysis as to the root causes of the Bangsamoro conflict as well as recommendations based on the pillars of Dealing with the Past.

Not much has moved since then, except for some executive rhetoric here and there, some civil society gatherings, and a handful of international actors linking transitional justice specifically to the prevention of radicalization and violent extremism. Fairly recently, however, there seems to be renewed interest in moving forward with transitional justice — especially, with the Bangsamoro Organic Law mandating a mechanism to be established.

Additionally, Executive Order (EO) 79 provides for transitional justice as one of the aspects of the Normalization Program with the Inter-Cabinet Cluster Mechanism on Normalization to take the lead on implementing recommendations of the TJRC. Note that both grounding documents are only within the ambit of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM).

WHAT OF EXCLUSIONS?
Quite obviously, the huge gap in the construction of transitional justice is the nature of where it shall supposedly operate in — only within BARMM, crafted by GPH and MILF implementing panels, supported by other actors in Track 1 space, and participated in by chosen ones to provide substance and expertise.

Even the grand plan to have a National Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Commission in the Bangsamoro as recommended by the TJRC and mimicked by Representative Jose Christopher Belmonte’s House Bill (HB) 5669 (or An Act Establishing a Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Program for the Bangsamoro, Creating for the Purpose of the National Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Commission for the Bangsamoro, and Appropriating Funds Thereof) seems to fall short for those they are intended to reach. Sure, these shall be the possible mechanisms in BARMM — but what about victims of atrocities committed in other areas in Mindanao during Marcos’ Martial Law?

In the past few days, I, along with other colleagues, have had a opportunity to listen to victims from Ipil, Zamboanga Sibugay; Labangan, Zamboanga del Sur; and Palimbang, Sultan Kudarat. Narratives of atrocities — massacres, torture and mutilation, rape, starvation — were closely similar. These were clearly war crimes and crimes against humanity, possibly even ethnic cleansing. Equally important was that the peoples’ concept of justice was also the same — that of reparation.

Unfortunately, very few claims were awarded by the Human Rights Victims Claims Board (HRVCB) in the whole of Mindanao. Those we spoke to in Ipil and Labangan did not know about the HRVCB nor the law on reparations; in Palimbang, despite experiencing the same atrocious event in their community, only 26 or small percentage of the claimants were awarded. Until now, they are still waiting for justice with the question hanging over them: “Why were we excluded?”

COLLECTION OF TRUTHS
In constructing transitional justice in the country, participation of and consultation with a select few simply will not cut it. There should be a systematic effort to document as many narratives as possible — of individuals and collectives. Just to be “written in” is an important acknowledgement for victims. A community’s desire to commemorate their collective tragedy as a simple message of “yes, this happened… and, yes, never again” is already an empowering tool for them.

For example, women in Palimbang said that a memorial marker at the Tacbil Mosque — site of the massacre of husbands, sons, brothers, and fathers — is of symbolic importance; a marker in the fish pond that turned out to be a mass grave should also be in place to honor those who were killed. Local government officials from Ipil, Lambangan, Palimbang and other similar areas could craft a resolution memorializing their collective narrative. We should never stop collecting truths.

THE RIGHT TO REPARATION
In addition, we should also pay attention to the restoration of victims’ dignity. The central idea of reparation is to try to “repair” the damage or harm done. It can come in material (i.e. compensation) or symbolic forms (i.e. commemoration days, memorialization, etc). It seeks to nurture empathy and solidarity in society — healing our collective pain and brokenness.

But in as far as available reparative mechanism is concerned, the HRVCB has ended its work — awarding 11,103 legitimate claimants out of 75,000 applicants, with supposedly 1% of claimants awarded in Mindanao.

In 2016, then Representative Herminio “Harry” Roque, Jr. introduced HB 226 or An Act Amending Republic Act 10368, Providing Reparations for Victims of Human Rights Violations, Creating a Permanent Human Rights Victims Claims Board, and for Other Purposes. To a large extent, the bill not only seeks to expand the period of coverage of human rights violations beyond Marcos’ Martial Law but also extends accountability to both state and non-state actors. Such an initiative should be revived, albeit amended further to include nuances of context, culture, and identity (i.e. gender, ethnicity, religion).

And maybe, just maybe, we can at least mitigate exclusions, intentional or otherwise, that may trigger tensions in the future. This is our country, our people and sure as hell we know what must be done ourselves, if only the platform for participation had not been closed to us by gods and demigods who took it upon themselves to engineer our future without us in the picture.

 

Ma. Lourdes Veneracion-Rallonza, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor at the Department of Political Science, Ateneo de Manila University. She is also the Program Director on Gender and Atrocity Prevention at the Asia Pacific Center for the Responsibility to Protect.

mrallonza@ateneo.edu

Which Philippine regions are advancing and lagging?

Over the past eight years and two administrations, the Philippine economy posted a high growth rate averaging over 6% a year and an average gross domestic product (GDP) per capita growth of 4.5% a year. The strategic question is: Which regions have been advancing and which have been lagging over the past eight years?

Related to this concern, the Department of Finance (DoF), in its economic bulletin dated June 14, cited that regional inequality, as measured by the coefficient of variation (CV) of gross regional domestic product (GRDP) per capita, diminished slightly in 2018. This coefficient, the report explained, measures how levels of GRDP per capita vary with respect to the national average. It said inequality worsened from 2016 to 2017 but improved in 2018. Over a longer period, however, the CV rose from 1992 to 2012 and further in 2016.

This article analyzes that differential growth of regions as compared to the Philippine average. The analytics are based on the ratio of regional GDP per capita with the national (Philippine) GDP per capita in real (inflation-adjusted) terms. It spans two periods, 2010-2016 (the Benigno Aquino administration) and 2016-2018 (the Rodrigo Duterte administration).

(Note: Questions may arise on data comparability, especially considering the short period of the current administration. That is the risk the author took. A complete comparable data set can only be done in 2023 at the earliest.)

Among the 17 regions, which regions fared better or worse?

IN LUZON:

• The National Capital Region (NCR) advanced in the first period (2010-2016) and lagged in the second (2016-2018). The latter is a positive development as the NCR has almost three times the national income per capita.

• The Cordillera Autonomous Region (CAR) fared badly in the first period and recovered in the second period. By contrast, Ilocos and Cagayan Valley recorded near stagnancy.

• Central Luzon consistently performed well across the two periods.

• Calabarzon, Mimaropa and Bicol posted deceleration across the long span.

IN VISAYAS:

• Western and Central Visayas registered modest improvements in the two periods.

• Eastern Visayas suffered notably, in part due to Typhoon Yolanda in 2012. It has not recovered since then.

IN MINDANAO:

• Zamboanga’s performance was mediocre. Northern Mindanao’s growth was aligned with the national advance.

• Davao posted the most outstanding record in the past eight years from Aquino to Duterte.

• Soccsksargen lagged in the first period and recovered mildly in the second period. Caraga grew in the first period and lagged in the second.

• ARMM suffered a decline in the first period and remained flat in the second.

CONCLUSIONS
During 2010-2016 (under the Aquino administration), eight regions advanced in income per capita while nine lagged. Similarly, in 2016-2018 (the early phase of the Duterte administration), again eight regions moved up while nine fell away.

Only six regions posted growth consistently: the Ilocos, Central Luzon, Western Visayas, Central Visayas, Northern Mindanao, and Davao. Davao and Central Luzon performed best, in that order. I am optimistic that over the remaining years of the Duterte administration, more regions will be added to the list.

The greater challenge is not only in reducing the regional inequality but the high poverty in the regions, especially in Bicol, Visayas, and Mindanao.

There are several factors (agriculture, industry, and services growth) which affected the regional performance. But since agriculture and its linkages are dominant in many regions, agriculture productivity has been found in earlier studies to be a key growth driver. Low productivity usually translates to low income.

This article reflects the personal opinion of the author and does not reflect the official stand of the Management Association of the Philippines or the MAP.

 

Rolando T. Dy is the Co-Vice Chair of the MAP AgriBusiness Committee, and the Executive Director of the Center for Food and AgriBusiness of the University of Asia & the Pacific.

map@map.org.ph

rdyster@gmail.com

http://map.org.ph

Election cycle: New Leaders in an old system

Our country has witnessed countless national and local elections. Our people have elected many brilliant candidates. A lot of them had the best interests of the nation in mind when they started.

Of course, many undeserving winners also callously participated and took their oath of office although the common welfare of our citizens was farthest from their plans.

Every three years, our Constitution mandates that we endure the long lines and typically chaotic polling centers in order to cast our ballots with the silent hope that this electoral process will uplift the lives of our people and eventually catapult our country to the proud group of democratic and wealthy nations.

However, after so many elections, why are we still at the tail end of global economic progress. What always goes wrong that in spite of the individual competence, even excellence, of our elected officials, we still cannot achieve the level of economic strength that we are supposed to enjoy? As a country, we have already almost surrendered our much delayed goals of industrialization, global competitiveness, technological advancement, and diplomatic and military respectability.

WEAK MULTI-PARTY SYSTEM
Candidates win or loose on the basis of their individual qualifications, campaign machinery, and financial war chest. The political party that they belong to is not a decisive factor for victory or defeat. In fact, there is no distinct economic or political program that the majority of candidates represent. Hence, there is no sacred social contract that is forged between the candidates’ political parties and the people whom they court for votes.

There is no solid commitment on what economic platform shall be collectively pursued after winning the elections. Ultimately, there is no accountability to deliver any long-term and broad formula that will finally end the poverty and backwardness that afflict our nation.

CREATIVE MESSAGING VERSUS COMPREHENSIVE PROGRAMS
We cannot fully blame the candidates for resorting to simply adopting savvy marketing strategies that would capture the imagination of the voters and assure instant name recall. One liners and crisp messages are necessary substitutes for technically confusing advocacies and programs. In other words, candidates don’t need to seriously ride on party commitments because the electorate is not exactly demanding such commitments anyway.

After all, it’s a grand popularity contest that is hinged (whether true or not) on individual claims of integrity, track record, hard work, courage, and many other personal qualifications.

This further explains why the tolerated practice of politicians switching their party affiliation to that of the party in power is the usual aftermath of all our elections. Almost no one is beholden to uphold the party platform because there is not much of that in the first place.

DIFFICULT WAY FORWARD
If we honestly hope that our political system would deliver the much needed social and economic changes that we all wish for, then we will just be frustrated. Remember the old saying that expecting a different result from doing exactly the same thing is foolish. And we haven’t done this exercise only twice.

On June 30, the new leaders that were elected during the recent mid-term elections took their oath. Let’s try to convince many of them to introduce immediate political reforms such as making it difficult to switch party affiliations, demanding the publication of party programs, obliging public debates during campaign periods, ending the pork barrel system, re-engineering the dynamics of the party list in congress, and many more doable reforms while we are still debating on the bigger alternatives such as federalism, a parliamentary form of government, and overhauling the Constitution.

Let’s first see how our elected leaders transform our country within the limited space provided for by our current Constitution. Let’s still hope that we will be able to elect new leaders but in a new system of governance.

 

Ariel F. Nepomuceno is a management consultant on strategy and investment.

arielnepo.businessworld@gmail.com

Earthquakes and steel

There is understandable concern about the resilience of our structures, public and private, in withstanding earthquakes. But there is also alarmism being spread about the “Big One” happening soon in the Philippines.

In late June, we experienced about 22 earthquakes a day on average and historically, we have experienced seven strong earthquakes with a magnitude of 7 to 7.9 since the 1960s (see Table 1).

In my opinion the earthquake referred to as the “Big One” (8.0 +) happening in the Philippines is a long ways from happening and seemingly impossible in the short run. Since we have frequent earthquakes, then the stress between and among plates underground is reduced. Worldwide, strong earthquakes (magnitudes of 5 and above) occur at an average of 1,700+ a year or about five a day (see Table 2).

One concern on how our structures, public and private, will react in an earthquake is over the quality of steel being manufactured or imported and sold on the domestic market — in particular, the use of quenched tempered (QT) or thermo-mechanically treated (TMT) steel bars. Major steel manufacturers here are replacing micro-alloyed (MA) steel bars with QT rebars because of the lower cost of the latter.

As I am neither an engineer nor architect, I could not comment on the various advantages and disadvantages of using QT over MA steel bars in terms of quality relative to price. Then I saw a documentary, Veronica Files, Episode 1: Lindol vs Bakal in which Veronica Baluyut interviewed engineer Emilio Morales, former chairman of the committee to update the National Structural Code of the Philippines (NSCP) 2015, also the former chairman of the Association of Structural Engineers of the Philippines (ASEP).

Mr. Morales argued that it is not advisable to use QT bars in buildings because bending, threading, or welding will damage the stonger outer layer and expose the lower-grade steel inside the bar, which reduces the structure’s strength and resilience.

Again, this is engineering stuff and outside my field so I will not comment on proposals to restrict or ban the sale of QT bars. I believe that nothing should be banned except those few expressly harmful acts like murder, stealing, destruction of private property, abduction, rape, etc.

But I do support proposals for the public dissemination of information about the types and quality of steel bars being sold domestically. Contractors, developers, and end-users should be made aware of the differences in quality between QT and MA steel bars.

Government, through the Department of Trade and Industry or Department of Science and Technology, can lead this public information drive. Government through the Department of Finance should also reduce taxes on construction materials like steel and cement, or at least should not hike existing taxes and tariff for these products.

 

Bienvenido S. Oplas, Jr. is the president of Minimal Government Thinkers.

minimalgovernment@gmail.com

ISIS on the comeback trail

On June 28, news filtered in from Indanan, Sulu that two suicide bombers had penetrated the headquarters of the Army’s 1st Brigade Combat Team. As of the latest reports, eight people were killed (the two bombers, three soldiers, and three civilians); while 22 were wounded (12 soldiers and 10 civilians). The Islamic State East Asia Province (ISEAP) allegedly claimed responsibility for the attack.

The suicide bombers, who were riding in tandem on a motorcycle, barged into the military camp and blew themselves up shortly before noon last Friday. Body parts were recovered inside the camp. One of the attackers detonated the bomb he was carrying near the Brigade commander’s parking area. A firefight ensued, backed by mortar and sniper fire from the suicide bombers’ support group that lasted around an hour.

Local sources say one of the two bombers was a Malaysian Tausug, from Sabah in all likelihood. Perhaps the other one was too. Both were vaporized but local intel reportedly knows their identities already. The firefight was carried out by support elements from “black flag” groups affiliated with ISEAP. After ISIS was decisively ejected from the Middle East, it turned its sights on Southeast Asia, mainly Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines, calling this area its “province.”

Suicide bombing is a ruthless combat tactic that targets both combatants and non-combatants alike. It does not discriminate. It’s commonplace in the Near East, Middle East, and Africa. That’s where the influence is coming from, giving rise to local black flag groups manned mainly by youthful Muslim extremists and converts.

Adherents of the black flag movements are basically Salafis. The theology they espouse contains elements of Salafi–Jihadi Islam. They display the back flag with Arabic inscriptions. Black is used in an apocalyptic context (end of days symbology) signifying religious intolerance and violence against the Muslim and non-Muslim groups they label as non-believers.

There are two major black flag movements that provide ideological guidance:

1. Al-Qaeda — it still has various groups around the world affiliated to it such as the Al-Qaeda in the Arabian peninsula and Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb. Its Philippine footprint strengthened the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), and the Rajah Sulaiman Movement that gave rise to many terrorist actions around the country.

2. The Daula Islamiyah (DI) also known as Daesh (IS) — an offshoot group from Al-Qaeda that stirred a hornet’s nest amongst different Salafi-Jihadi groups around the world. It mobilized fighters and supporters it recruited from among overseas workers, local malcontents, and religious scholars to create a puritanical “state.”

There are Black flag affiliated International Non-Government Organizations (INGOs) which provide support for propagation in Southeast Asia, especially the Philippines, such as the Muslim World League, World Assembly of Muslim Youth, International Islamic Relief Organization, Islamic Wisdom Worldwide, and the Benevolence/Mercy Foundation. There’s a quantum of intelligence briefs and from the 9-11 judicial proceedings showing the link between Black flag groups and INGOs.

Separatist Groups (SG) and Local Terror Groups (LTG) comprise the terrorist-separatist spectrum in the country that include factions affiliated to them. SGs are mainly the Moro National Liberation Front and the MILF. They operate in Northern and Southern Mindanao and ZamBaSulTa (Zamboanga, Basilan, Sulu, and Tawi-Tawi provinces). LTGs are the ASG, the Rajah Sulaiman Movement, the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters and IS Ranao. An above ground network supports the LTGs.

After Marawi, the surviving fighters allegedly dispersed to six areas: Luzon and Metro Manila; ZamBaSulTa; the Visayas; Central Mindanao; Soccsksargen; and Northern Mindanao.

It’s important to note the incidents that took place since the liberation of Marawi:

• the Magpet, North Cotabato bombing, May 2018;

• the Lamitan, Basilan checkpoint suicide bombing, July 31, 2018;

• the Sultan Kudarat bombing, Aug. 29, 2018;

• the Jolo Sulu Cathedral bombing, Jan. 27, 2019;

• the clashes with the Maute forces in Northern Mindanao last January;

• clashes with the Black flag groups in Maguindanao and Liguasan, November 2018 to February 2019;

• focused Military Operations in Sulu, February to the present;

• the Isulan Bombing, April 3, 2019; and,

• the Sulu suicide bombing, June 28, 2019.

Pre-Marawi, mostly from the turn of the century, the country experienced mass casualty incidents such as the:

• the Ipil massacre, April 4, 1995;

• the Rizal Day LRT bombing, Dec. 30, 2000;

• the Superferry bombing, Dec. 24, 2004;

• the Valentines Day bus bombing in Makati, 2005;

• the Bicutan attempted jailbreak, Feb. 15, 2005;

• the Makati bus bombing on Jan. 25, 2011; and,

• the Quiapo bombings on April 28 and May 6, 2017.

Given the modus operandi of foreign trained fighters and LTGs, and the shift of IS to the Far East, we can deduce that the Philippines will see increased terrorist activity in many forms around the country targeting population centers, military-police personnel, tourism areas, transport hubs, schools, events, and places of worship. Hit-and-run raids, lone wolf strikes, bombings, kidnap-murder, and variations of urban warfare are not far-fetched.

The war on terror is real, it’s truly alarming. And we better pay real attention to it because it’s escalating in our part of the woods in the post Iraq-Levant period. And there are extremist elements that are in tactical alliance with the CPP-NDF-NPA (Communist Party of the Philippines-National Democratic Front of the Philippines-New People’s Army), particularly in the employment of above ground support organizations, recruitment, tactics, and media savvy. It will require a whole-of-nation effort to defeat these threats to human security.

At the top of the list is intelligence and counter-intelligence to prevent acts of terror, and properly deployed anti-terror units backed by well-trained force multipliers. Additionally: audit the curricula of the madrassahs, create teams of religious scholars to counter extremist theology, intensify inter-faith dialogues, develop the economy, and strengthen security partnerships.

The underlay is good governance, backed by a mature and responsible society. We’ve neglected the mission to win back hearts and minds through teamwork amongst the civilian segments of government, the uniformed services, and organized elements of society. Every day we fail to transform our political culture, we extend the horrors of internecine warfare by another day. When will we ever learn?

 

Rafael M. Alunan III served in the cabinet of President Corazon C. Aquino as Secretary of Tourism, and in the cabinet of President Fidel V. Ramos as Secretary of Interior and Local Government.

rmalunan@gmail.com

map@map.org.ph

http://map.org.ph

Agriculture sector insider likely to replace Piñol

SOMEONE ALREADY affiliated with the sector is likely to be appointed as the next Agriculture secretary, according to one of the President’s top economic managers.

Finance Secretary Carlos G. Dominguez, in a press briefing at the Pre-State of the Nation Address Economic and Infra Forum held in the Philippine International Convention Center in Pasay City on Monday, said President Rodrigo R. Duterte will most likely choose a new Department of Agriculture (DA) chief who “is very intimately familiar with the sector and somebody who has shown success in doing his job in that area.”

“I guess those are the main qualifications that the President will consider,” he added.

Last June 27, Agriculture Secretary Emmanuel F. Piñol submitted his courtesy resignation and suggested to be transferred to the Mindanao Development Authority (MinDA).

In his letter to the President, Mr. Piñol recommended three undersecretaries as possible replacements for him, namely: Waldo R. Carpio, undersecretary for special concerns and legislative liaison officer of the DA; Ariel T. Cayanan, undersecretary for operations; and Francisco M. Villano, undersecretary for finance.

The resignation has yet to be officially accepted by Mr. Duterte but the President already said that he would prefer Mr. Piñol to help him with Mindanao concerns.

Sought for comment, lawyer and Ateneo Policy Center research fellow Michael Henry Ll. Yusingco said the new Agriculture secretary could be someone who is a close ally of both the President and Mr. Piñol.

“Hence, there is a very good chance that the programs that he (Mr. Piñol) started will simply be continued. The new Secretary will probably be very cautious and conservative in the performance of this job given that it is less than 3 years away till the next Presidential election,” Mr. Yusingco told BusinessWorld in an emailed response.

“He would be very averse to introduce new programs which could be controversial as this can possibly give the opposition the ammunition they need to win in 2022,” he added.

University of Santo Tomas Political Science Professor Marlon M. Villarin, on the other hand, said the new agriculture chief might be an “outsider.”

“Looking at the President’s personality and previous decision, I think he might consider an outsider as a replacement for (Mr.) Piñol, probably a known technocrat,” he told BusinessWorld in a text message.

Mr. Villarin said such a choice could be driven by the administration’s aim to meet or even exceed goals by 2022, when Mr. Duterte is due to step down.

“Probably this revamp movement of Pres. Duterte to the cabinet is both strategic and politically calibrated decision to make sure that his cabinet team are capable of meeting and hopefully exceed their desired political, economic and social outcome before his term ends,” he said. — Vincent Mariel P. Galang

Honasan finally assumes post as DICT secretary

By Denise A. Valdez, Reporter

FORMER SENATOR Gregorio B. Honasan II will now take the top post at the Department of Information and Communications Technology (DICT), almost seven months after his appointment as secretary in November, Malacañang confirmed late Monday.

Executive Secretary Salvador C. Medialdea, in a text message to BusinessWorld, said Mr. Honasan “took his oath as DICT secretary earlier” and that he was already joining the cabinet meeting scheduled last night.

The confirmation comes after Senator Panfilo M. Lacson announced in a tweet Monday afternoon the new role of Mr. Honasan, where he congratulated the recently retired senator.

“My heartfelt congratulations to my classmate, colleague and friend, DICT Secretary Gregorio ‘Gringo’ Honasan who is about to take his oath of office anytime now, before the scheduled cabinet meeting in Malacañang today,” Mr. Lacson wrote.

However, DICT Acting Secretary Eliseo M. Rio, Jr. said he was not notified by anyone of the upcoming leadership change in the department until Mr. Lacson made it public.

“Well, I was not informed. Nagulat din ako (I was also surprised). But yes, that’s expected. I think he will take his oath in front of the President this evening,” he said in a phone call with BusinessWorld yesterday afternoon.

“I don’t know kung may (if I have an) appointment as undersecretary. I’m still going to find that out tomorrow,” he added.

Malacañang issued on Nov. 22 the appointment papers for Mr. Honasan as the new DICT secretary.

Prior to that, Mr. Honasan said on Nov. 9 that he “decided to accept the offer of the President to help lead the DICT.”

Mr. Honasan was not able to assume the post immediately as he failed to submit documentary requirements to the Commission on Appointments before Congress took its Christmas break on Dec. 15.

Mr. Rio took on the role as acting secretary of the DICT when Rodolfo A. Salalima resigned from the position in September 2017.

ASEAN emergency response warehouse launched at AFP’s Camp Aguinaldo

A SATELLITE warehouse under the Disaster Emergency Logistics System for ASEAN (DELSA) — which will hold a stockpile of different emergency needs such as food, sanitary kits, and building tools, that will be distributed during disaster response — was launched Monday in Camp Aguinaldo, the Armed Forces of the Philippines’ (AFP) headquarters located in Quezon City. “This satellite warehouse will supplement the existing regional stockpile managed by the World Food Programme at the UN Humanitarian Response Depot in Subang, Malaysia,” according to a press statement distributed during the launch.

The facility will be managed by the Office of Civil Defense and ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Coordinating Center for Humanitarian Assistance, with support from the Japanese government.

Other satellite warehouses are located in Malaysia and Thailand.

“The aim of prepositioning of ASEAN relief items in strategically located warehouses is to increase the speed and scale of an ASEAN response,” the statement said. Defense Secretary Delfin N. Lorenzana, in a chance interview with reporters, said, “In the past we were caught unaware, we didn’t have preparations, we don’t have stockpiles of food and materials like these, so we had to exert a lot of time to gather these things before we can attend the victims of disasters. But now, you can just load these on the airplane and bring them to the disaster area.” — Vince Angelo C. Ferreras

China rejects having 3rd party in Recto Bank probe

MALACAÑANG ON Monday said the People’s Republic of China does not want to involve a third party in the joint investigation into the June 9 boat sinking incident at the Recto Bank in the West Philippine Sea.

In a press briefing at the Palace on Monday, Presidential Spokesperson Salvador S. Panelo said he received a “report” from Philippine Ambassador to China Jose Santiago L. Sta. Romana indicating that the Chinese government does not want to have a third party in the probe.

“Ambassador Chito Sta. Romana talked with the [Chinese] foreign ministry. Nagbigay siya ng (He gave a) report,” he said.

“Ang sabi naman nila, huwag na iyong third party; kailangan tayo lang ang mag-usap doon. Iyan ang (They said, no need for a third party; it should be just us talking. That is what’s) recent,” he added.

Mr. Panelo also said that the “verbal” agreement between President Rodrigo R. Duterte and Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2016 that the Chinese government will not interfere with Filipino fishermen in the disputed waters in the West Philippine Sea is “valid and binding.”

He cited that under the law, even “verbal” agreements are valid and binding as long as there is “mutual consent” between the two parties.

The Chinese Embassy in Manila was sought for comment but had yet to respond as of this posting.

Meanwhile, in an interview at an ANC program, Mr. Panelo also explained that Mr. Duterte’s threat to jail critics who will file an impeachment complaint against him in relation to his approach to the West Philippine Sea issues was just an expression of “disgust.”

Sought for comment, Law and Business professor Antonio A. Ligon of De La Salle University (DLSU), who has also been conducting lectures on South China Sea issues, said in a phone interview: “It would be prudent to conduct an investigation if China is not included. Because if you include China, it’s like admitting that ‘Uy kasali kayo rito, sa inyo rin ito (Hey you are part of this, this is yours too), so you can investigate.’”

“It’s like disregarding what the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea said doon sa (in the) 2016 arbitration award. Nanalo na nga tayo (We have already won), and the world is saying that China should back off,” he added. — Arjay L. Balinbin

Davao court issues hold departure order vs 8 KAPA officials

THE DAVAO City Regional Trial Court Branch 16 issued a precautionary hold departure order against eight officials of KAPA-Community Ministry International Inc. in connection with the complaint they face before the Department of Justice (DoJ) for violation of the Securities Regulation Code (SRC).

Justice Secretary Menardo I. Guevarra confirmed that KAPA President Joel A. Apolinario is included in the travel ban.

Undersecretary and DoJ spokesperson Markk L. Perete said they will release a copy of the order once they receive it.

The SEC last June 18 filed a criminal complaint against KAPA, Mr. Apolinario, trustee Margie A. Danao, Corporate Secretary Reyna L. Apolinario, among others, “for perpetrating an investment scam.”

It also included Marisol M. Diaz, Adelfa Fernandico, Moises Mopia, Catherine Evangelista, and Rene Catubigan “for promoting the investment scam.”

The commission said KAPA violated Sections 8(8.1) and 28 of the SRC, which prohibits the selling or offering of securities and engaging in buying or selling of such as broker unless approved by SEC.

SEC also said the group violated Section 26 (26.3) or fraudulent transaction as it “employed a Ponzi scheme, an investment program that offers impossibly high returns and pays investors using the money contributed by other investors.”

The Commission issued a cease-and-desist order against KAPA in February and revoked its certificate of registration in April.

SEC said that it found KAPA to have enticed the public to “donate” at least P10,000 in exchange for 30% monthly return referred to as “blessing” or “love gift” for life and it “involved sale and offering for sale or distribution to the public of securities, in form of investment contracts.”

The DoJ last month also issued an immigration lookout bulletin order against 15 officers and incorporators of KAPA. — Vann Marlo M. Villegas

Gasoline, diesel prices higher again this week

FUEL PRICES are up for the third straight week as oil companies announced rate hikes for gasoline, diesel and kerosene effective 6 a.m. of July 2.

Gasoline prices will increase by P1.20 per liter (/L), diesel by P0.95/L, and kerosene by P1.00/L.

Data from the Department of Energy showed that prior to the announced price hikes today, the net increase of year-to-date oil price adjustments was at P3.70/L for gasoline, P2.75/L for diesel and P1.10/L for kerosene. — Denise A. Valdez

Nationwide round-up

PNP ready to arrest those who want to impeach Duterte

PHILIPPINE NATIONAL Police (PNP) chief Gen. Oscar D. Albayalde said they are ready to arrest people who want to impeach the President if found that they have violated the law. “Well, of course kung talagang ipag-utos ng Presidente at may nakita naman tayong (if it will be ordered by the President and when we see a) violation of the law, why not?,” he said at a press briefing at Camp Crame on Monday. Last week, President Rodrigo R. Duterte “warned” that those who want him to be impeached will be arrested. Mr. Albayalde, however, clarified that there should be an investigation first before they could arrest anyone. — Vince Angelo C. Ferreras

Moot and academic: SC junks petition on election source code

THE Supreme Court seal — BW FILE PHOTO

THE SUPREME Court (SC) has dismissed the 2013 petition of Senator Richard J. Gordon and Bagumbayan-VPN Movement, Inc. asking the court to compel the Commission on Elections (Comelec) to release for review the source code for the automated election. In a press release, the SC said the dismissal is based on the petition being moot and academic. The high court cited that the Comelec promulgated Resolution No. 10423 in September 2018, which modified the qualifications for source code review of interested parties. “As this Resolution No. 10423 governs the conduct of the [2019] elections and any automated election from here on unless it, itself, is superseded by another, the cause of action of the petitioners has ceased to exist,” the court ruled in a decision dated April 10. The petitioners claimed in their May 3, 2013 petition, 10 days before the 2013 elections, that Comelec failed to comply with Section 14 of Republic Act No. 8436 (Election Modernization Act), which requires the commission to allow political parties and candidates, or citizen’s arm to conduct a review of source codes. The SC also dismissed for “utter lack of merit” the indirect contempt charge filed by Mr. Gordon against former Comelec chairman Sixto S. Brillantes, Jr. for allegedly failing to comply with his commitments to the court during the oral arguments held May 8, 2013 to make the source code available for review and to grant more time to parties to comply with the requirements. — Vann Marlo M. Villegas

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