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Citi Plaza gets double LEED Platinum

CITI PLAZA secured a double Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED) Platinum certification, in recognition of its efficient use of energy and water, as well as other environment-friendly features. The 24-story office tower, located in Bonifacio Global City, is the largest building in the Philippines get the LEED Platinum recognition for its Core and Shell design. Citi Plaza also received the Platinum certificate for LEED for Commercial Interiors. Platinum is the highest LEED certification level. “Citi Plaza represents a major commitment we have made in the Philippines and the double LEED Platinum awards recognize our ongoing efforts to have a positive impact in our community and the environment. Energy saving and other innovative solutions allow us to operate efficiently while providing a world-class collaborative space for our employees,” Citi Philippines CEO Aftab Ahmed said in a statement.

Michael Jackson’s Bad tour jacket sold

MICHAEL JACKSON’s iconic black “Bad” jacket, which he wore on his first solo tour, sold for $298,000 late Saturday, about three times its original asking price, at a New York auction which featured items from music legends Prince, Madonna, John Lennon and others, officials announced.
Julien’s Auctions had an original asking price of $100,000 for the jacket that Jackson signed on the back with a silver permanent marker and was worn throughout the singer’s Bad world concert tour from 1987-89.
It is one of the late singer’s most iconic costume pieces alongside his red and black leather “Thriller” music video jacket that sold for $1.8 million at auction in 2011.
Jackson has become one of the most collectible celebrities since his sudden death in 2009 in Los Angeles at age 50 from an accidental overdose of an anesthetic he was using as a sleep aid.
The Bad jacket was sold by Texas businessman and philanthropist Milton Verret along with almost 100 other items from his large rock ‘n’ roll memorabilia collection.
The Icons & Idols: Rock-N-Roll auction, which announced the results of the two-day auction late Saturday, also featured electric guitars played by Bob Dylan, Paul McCartney, Eric Clapton, and U2 band members The Edge and Bono.
A guitar Prince used in his final stage performance in 2016 sold for $156,250 and the motorcycle jacket he wore in the 1984 movie Purple Rain sold for $37,500, officials said.
Part of the auction proceeds will go to the MusicCares charity arm of Grammy Award organizers the Recording Academy that provides health and other services to musicians. — Reuters

Credit information system up by December

STATE-RUN Credit Information Corp. (CIC) has pushed back anew the full launch of the country’s centralized credit information system as it is set to give access to select individual borrowers.
In an interview, CIC Senior Vice-President for Business Development and Communications Aileen L. Amor-Bautista said the national credit information system should be widely available by the beginning of December, behind its earlier target to get it running by the third quarter.
“The system is already live in a sense that submitting entities or the financial institutions can access the data for monitoring purposes. But we’re not yet providing credit reports to the borrowers,” Ms. Amor-Bautista told BusinessWorld.
“But hopefully in the beginning of December, we would be able to give credit reports to the data subjects in line with the ease of doing business.”
She added that individual borrowers who wish to request for credit information are expected to be allowed to physically access data by December, although they have to book an appointment before the CIC gives credit reports.
“We’re allowing online registration first before they come to our office so that we can provide them the credit reports. We’re just slowly opening the system.”
Earlier, CIC President and Chief Executive Officer Jaime P. Garchitorena said the national credit information system should go live in third quarter following its January target as it is still ensuring the quality and safety of data.
Soon enough, Ms. Amor-Bautista said, the credit registry will have an online platform where individuals can request for credit data, although there is still no timeline for this facility.
“What we’re avoiding is to make these data available online and might be subject to possible hacking and infringement,” she said. “But the plan is really to course it through the credit bureaus.”
Currently, there are four official credit bureaus or special accessing entities namely local firm CIBI Information, Inc., South Africa’s Compuscan, Italy’s CRIF S.p.A, and United States’ TransUnion Information Solutions, Inc.
Amid work to make the national credit information system fully available, the CIC is still collecting data from lending institutions.
“We’re at that stage of populating the database. It’s ongoing,” Ms. Amor-Bautista noted.
As of Oct. 22, the CIC already has 5.867 million unique data from financial institutions such as banks, cooperatives, credit card firms, insurers and government-owned and -controlled firms, among others.
Out of the 1,637 institutions in talks with the CIC on how to file credit data, 310 are now regularly submitting and updating loan information. — Karl Angelo N. Vidal

Neviare targets upper middle market in Lipa

THE CALMAR Land Development Corp. is developing a 32-hectare master-planned subdivision in Lipa City, Batangas. Located along the National Highway in Brgy. Antipolo del Norte, Neviare caters to the upper middle market. Calmar Land offers six model two-storey house designs called Azera, Brentley, Cayenne, Clara, and Lucerne, which blend classic and contemporary design elements. The houses have wide windows, at least two toilet and baths, living, dining, and kitchen areas, carports and laundry areas. Among Neviare’s amenities are the clubhouse, swimming pool, play area, jogging path, basketball court and garden. The subdivision will also have its own commercial area.

Grinch sees green with $66M at N. American box office, Overlord beats Spider’s Web

LOS ANGELES — The Grinch proved it’s never too early for some holiday cheer as the animated family flick stole the weekend box office with $66 million from 4,141 locations.
Illumination and Universal’s adaptation of the Dr. Seuss holiday tale now ranks as the best start for a Christmas film. Fellow new offerings Overlord and The Girl In the Spider’s Web weren’t as gleeful, with mediocre debuts of $10 million and $8 million, respectively.
Benedict Cumberbatch voiced the animated green grouch in The Grinch, which cost the studio $75 million to make. While it trails the start of Illumination’s latest Dr. Seuss story The Lorax ($70 million), The Grinch should benefit from the holiday corridor.
Though critics gave Grinch a mediocre 55% rating on Rotten Tomatoes — with many noting the second big-screen adaptation didn’t add much to the original 1966 TV special — audiences, for the most part, embraced the movie and gave it an A- CinemaScore.
Universal’s president of domestic distribution Jim Orr gave a nod to the film’s witty and snarky advertising campaign that played on the Grinch’s cynical humor for buoying opening numbers.
“Our marketing was eye-catching and unique,” Orr said. “It took full advantage of the character. It was purposeful because we knew we had a big property.”
Newcomers The Girl in the Spider’s Web and Overlord weren’t able to best Bohemian Rhapsody. Fox’s Queen biopic showed staying power with a solid $30.9 million in its sophomore frame, representing a drop of just 41%. That brings its 10-day domestic total just shy of $100 million.
Paramount’s Overlord, produced by J.J. Abrams, was able to nab third place, opening with opened with $10 million from 2,859 theaters.
It hasn’t been all Yuletide joy at the box office. In fourth, Disney’s The Nutcracker and the Four Realms slipped over 50% in its second weekend with $9.6 million to bring its domestic total to a disappointing $35 million. The studio is banking on its overseas run to justify the family film’s pricey $125 million budget. Globally, Nutcracker has made $96.7 million, including $61.4 million from international.
Meanwhile, The Girl in the Spider’s Web might not even crack the top five with a bleak $8 million. Sunday estimates show Warner Bros.’ A Star Is Born, now in its sixth weekend, also generated $8 million this weekend. The final order won’t be determined until official numbers come in on Monday morning.
While Spider’s Web’s debut was in line with the studio’s projection and not far behind the start of The Girl With the Dragon Tattoo’s ($12.7 million), the second film in the Millennium series doesn’t look like it will have the same legs as David Fincher’s original film. Fede Alvarez directed Spider’s Web, which was budgeted at $43 million. Co-produced by Columbia, MGM, and New Regency, it cost significantly less to make than Dragon Tattoo, however that film played strong throughout the holiday season and went on to earn a huge $102 million stateside and $230 million worldwide. — Reuters

Revolution Precrafted inks P10-B deal with CCI

REVOLUTION Precrafted on Monday said it has signed P10-billion deal with Community Creators, Inc. (CCI)to supply homes for the latter’s two residential communities in Rizal and Bulacan.
In a statement, the property-tech company said it will supply 1,300 single detached homes and condominium units in Revolution Hills at Amiya Raya in San Mateo, Rizal. The homes are sized from 72 square meter (sq.m.) to 142.4 sq.m., with prices ranging from P5.9 million to P11 million.
Revolution Precrafted will also supply 30 sq.m. to 40 sq.m. condominium units through low-rise buildings in the same community. The company expects to generate P9.5 billion in revenues from the project.
“This new development is a major project for us. We have always wanted to launch projects that have close proximity to Metro Manila. We envision Revolution Hills at Amiya Raya to be a game changing development,” Jose Roberto “Robbie” R. Antonio, founder and CEO of Revolution Precrafted, said in the statement.
For the project in Malolos, Bulacan, the company will supply 90 homes. Owners of another 60 lots previously sold by CCI will be given the chance to avail of Revolution Precrafted’s units. Revenues from this project are estimated at P500 million.
Revolution Precrafted said construction of the units for the CCI projects will begin in the second quarter of 2019.
The company is currently developing prefabricated structures for Century Limitless Corp. for the $1.1-billion Batulao Artscapes in Nasugbu, Batangas, the $750-million Revolution Flavorscapes in Mexico, Pampanga, and the $125-million Puerto Azul project in Cavite.
Revolution Precrafted has also forged partnerships with property companies in Japan, Puerto Rico, Ecuador, Brazil, and Cyprus, among others. — Vincent Mariel P. Galang

How PSEi member stocks performed — November 12, 2018

Here’s a quick glance at how PSEi stocks fared on Monday, November 12, 2018.

 
Philippine Stock Exchange’s most active stocks by value turnover — November 12, 2018

Long-term agri productivity gap: The major cause of poverty

Why is national poverty incidence in the Philippines more than twice that of ASEAN peers — Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam? It is even magnified in the farmers’ and fishers’ poverty of 34%. Thesis: it is due to broad-based low productivity and concentration on few products.
Benchmarking compares yield parameters with “best-in-class” in the ASEAN.
To provide empirical evidence, the productivity of key crops over the past 36 years were compared and gaps determined using data from the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). Ten major crops were covered, namely: rice, corn, coconut, sugarcane, banana, coffee, pineapple, cassava, sweet potato, and rubber.
A key finding is that the Philippines trails its peers in all crops, except pineapple and banana. Thanks to the private sector for these competitive industries. The gaps even widened over time in most crops.
There are nuances that are not revealed by the FAO data:

• Rice: Vietnam yields are higher with the help of the all-year irrigation drawn from the Mekong River. About a third of Philippine rice harvested areas are rainfed. Irrigated rice yield was 4.3tons/ha in 2016. Caveat. Before some sectors advocate irrigating the remaining irrigable area of 1.3 million hectares, they must consider water supply availability and project cost.

seedling
The landmark DA-Philrice-IRRI study (2016), Competitiveness of Philippine Rice in Asia, found that, even at high yields, the Philippine cost of production is higher than Thailand and Vietnam because of high labor cost due to low mechanization.

• Maize. Philippine yellow corn yield at 4.2 tons/ha in 2016 is not far from Indonesia’s, Thailand’s and Vietnam’s. Credit goes to local seed companies. It is the low white corn yield (1.8 tons/ha) that depresses total yield.

• Coffee. Philippine farms are multi-cropped versus Vietnam’s monocrop. The latter’s yield per tree at 1.5 kilos is three times that of the Philippines.

Yields and Yield Gaps

• Banana yield is slightly lower than Thailand’s. It is the native varieties (i.e., lakatan and saba) that depress the overall yield. Cavendish yield is 2.5 times the national yield.

• Rubber is a consistent underperformer due to uncertified seedlings and poor management.

The persistent low farm productivity severely affects the local agri manufacturing industry: low capacity utilization and limited new investments because of raw material constraints. These, in turn, affect job creation and processed exports. A major unintended consequence is the import of goods, such as coffee, cocoa paste, cassava, palm oil and rubber.
Altogether, the low yields affect impact on the competitiveness of agribusiness from farming, processing and exports. They heavily exacerbate rural and national poverty incidence. The compression of potential of consumer markets is enormous with limited buying power of the masses.
The solutions to address low yield levels and costs include: research and development, provincial extension hubs, farm credit, irrigation, market intelligence, land access rural infrastructure as well as private sector driven commodity road maps. These are known to experts in the academia, the private sector, the donor community and government.
Farm consolidation to achieve scale, and more favorable business climate for investors are equally important. There are millions of hectares of idle or low-yield lands. They cry for modern management, investments and consistent government policy support.
This article reflects the personal opinion of the author and does not reflect the official stand of the Management Association of the Philippines or the MAP.
 
Rolando T. Dy is the chair of the MAP AgriBusiness and Countryside Development Committee, and the executive director of the Center for Food and AgriBusiness of the University of Asia & the Pacific.
map@map.org.ph
rdyster@gmail.com
http://map.org.ph

The Belt and Road Initiative and ASEAN:Cooperation or Opportunism?

It is more than five years now since China’s President Xi Jinping introduced the Silk Road Economic Belt in Kazakhstan in September 2013 and the 21st century Maritime Silk Road in Indonesia in October 2013. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or the One-Belt-One-Road (OBOR) officially became China’s national development strategy in November 2013 and was included in its 13th five-year plan in March 2016 as part of the strategy to deepen China’s reform and opening as well as to establish new mechanisms for economic development.
Given the huge infrastructure investment needs of the Association of Southeast Asian nations (ASEAN) to implement its Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity (MPAC) 2025, the BRI or OBOR offers an opportunity for both mainland and maritime ASEAN. Based on the Asian Development Bank’s (ADB) data, the region’s infrastructure investment needs will total US$2.8 trillion (S$3.68 trillion) between 2016 and 2030, or about US$184 billion annually.
Nonetheless, with the existing political and organizational issues as well as policy and institutional barriers within the ASEAN, there are apprehensions that the Chinese ambitious project for connectivity may undermine ASEAN’s regional efforts at connectivity or the MPAC 2025 (MPAC), and consequently, deepen existing economic divides among the ASEAN countries. What is at risk is the fundamental objective of MPAC 2025 which is “to establish a seamlessly connected ASEAN that will deliver tangible benefits to ASEAN citizens.”
Last year, in what was considered as the highest profile diplomatic event for China, Xi Jinping opened the Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation in Beijing, China, with the five guiding principles to steer the Belt and Road Initiative toward greater success, namely: 1) peace, 2) prosperity, 3) opening up, 4) innovation, and 5) connecting different civilizations. Promoting the BRI as a new model of win-win cooperation, he declared that China will not encroach on other countries’ internal affairs, export its own social system and model of development, impose its own will on others, or resort to outdated geopolitical maneuvering.
Five years have passed, it becomes imperative to ask, Is China keeping its “promise”? What are the dynamics in ASEAN member states relating to China’s transcontinental multibillion Belt and Road Initiative?
What follows is a brief survey of some of the challenges that some ASEAN member states face.
The focus here is on the ASEAN people who are the intended beneficiaries but who are at greater risks than their governments and elites.
Observations, and to some extent, complaints in the region emphasize the lack of workers and companies’ participation in the BRI-related projects. Most investment and construction projects funded by China are done by Chinese companies employing Chinese workers.
In Brunei, for example, the Muara Besar project has angered some locals as they compete with Chinese workers for employment. The entry of thousands of Chinese workers, shipped into Brunei to build the refinery and petrochemical complex in this country’s small island, seems to exacerbate the country’s employment problems with the unemployment rate at 6.9% already. Nonetheless, with oil and gas reserves probably running out in the next 20 years, Chinese investment is welcome.
In Cambodia, civil society groups are protesting against a 36,400-hectare project in the country’s southwestern coast. The international eco-tourism and trade center project has led to thousands of locals forcibly evicted, resettled on land and houses of poor quality with limited access to utilities and given inadequate compensation. The Lower Sessan II hydropower plant project may lead to the eviction of almost 5,000 people from their villages once operational with around 40,000 people living along the Sesan and Srepok rivers losing their livelihood that is dependent on fishing.
To date, China is the largest investor in Cambodia’s energy sector and other infrastructure projects.
Cambodia’s longest-serving Prime Minister is China’s strongest ally in the region and in the ASEAN.
In Laos, the most expensive infrastructure project, the Laos-China railway, is also causing displacement among those living in the Phu Din Daeng Village. Families in the affected areas were told by the government to relocate to pave way for the railway which requires around 3,832 hectares of land. Neither relocation nor compensation have been provided to more than 4,000 Lao families that will be affected. For the Lao government, the project is the key to “transforming their ‘land-locked’ country into a ‘land-linked’ country.” Like Cambodia, China has emerged as Laos’ largest donor and source of foreign direct investment.
Potential environmental degradation is a problem that usually accompanies any infrastructure project. In Indonesia, civil society groups are protesting the 510-megawatt hydroelectric dam on the Batang Toru river under Chinese loan. Both local villagers and conservationists fear that the dam may “irreversibly alter” the river’s ecosystem, hence, threatening the livelihood of thousands of people who reside downstream. Equally important, rare species of orang-utan that currently number 800 are in danger of extinction.
In Myanmar, local protests against the Chinese-operated Letpadaung copper mine continue for expropriating land without providing the displaced families adequate compensation and for damaging the environment. Protests also continue relating to the controversial $3.6 billion, 6,000-megawatt Myitsone Dam project. In 2010, more than 2,100 people from five villages were forcibly resettled.
The Myitsone Dam project was suspended by the government in 2011 due to protests over its enormous flooding area and environmental impacts. The project also angered locals because of the fact that 90% of the dam’s electricity was expected to go to China. To date, China is heavily courting Myanmar’s government to restart work on the dam to help meet its growing power demands.
The most recent controversial Chinese mega-project in Myanmar is the Kyaukpyu port on the western tip of Myanmar’s conflict-torn Rakhine state. The $10 billion project that includes a new deep-sea port ($7.5 billion) and an industrial park ($2.5 billion) is planned to be “an entry point for a 480 mile (770 km) pipeline delivering oil and natural gas to China’s Yunnan province,” giving “China an alternative route for energy imports from the Middle East that avoids the strategic chokepoint of the Malacca Strait.” The government of Myanmar is currently renegotiating to scale down the project to avoid a debt trap.
Is the $900 billion BRI project really a win-win cooperation? Who is winning, and who is winning much more?
 
Diana J Mendoza, PhD, is the chair of the Department of Political Science at the Ateneo de Manila University. This article is based on her ongoing research on “The ASEAN and the BRI: Connectivities and Dis-Connectivities.”

Inflation, GDP and Duterte

Last week, the October inflation and 3rd quarter GDP growth data were released by the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) and the numbers confirm the fear of many observers of deteriorating macroeconomic fundamentals of the Duterte administration.
The big jump in inflation rate was triggered by the TRAIN law. Only 2.9% in December 2017, went up to 3.4% in January 2018 (first month of TRAIN law), 3.8% in February, 5.7% in July, 6.4% in August, 6.7% in August and same 6.7% in September. The year to date (ytd, January to October) inflation rate then is 5.1% or nearly double 2017’s 2.9%.
The good news is that this may be the peak inflation for the year. Any upward pressure in prices because of the provisional fare hikes and wage hikes implemented this November will be compensated by low world oil prices. WTI oil peaked at $76.4 a barrel last Oct. 03, down to $60.6 a barrel on Nov. 11.
Table1
The bad news is that compared to many neighbors in Asia, the Philippines has the biggest jump in inflation this year compared to last year. Some countries even experienced decline in inflation despite the high world oil prices (see Table 1).
The high inflation rate coupled with rising interest rates as the BSP tries to temper price uptick via monetary policy has resulted in low consumer confidence.
Recall the basic macroeconomic equation, GDP = C + I + G + (X-M), where C is household consumption, I is investment, G is government consumption, and (X-M) is net exports less imports. C is huge, 61% of GDP and the three others constitute only 39%. C growth has been declining, 6.2% in Q4 2017, went down to 5.7% in Q1 2018 (with TRAIN law), 5.6% in Q2 then 5.2% in Q3. This is bad.
As a result, overall GDP growth of the Philippines has been pulled down, from a high 6.9% in 2016, 6.7% in 2017, and only 6.3% in 2018 Q1-Q3. By way of recommendations, the following may be considered by the Duterte government.
Table2
One, suspend part two of TRAIN excise tax hikes for oil and coal, full year 2019 and not reinstate them after the May 2019 elections.
Two, freeze or suspend raising the Motor Vehicle User’s Charge (MVUC) or road user’s tax, (RA 8794). Like oil tax hike, this has inflationary pressure, a good observation and proposal from the Senate President Pro Tempore Ralph Recto.
Three, continue the agricultural trade liberalization, replace the quantitative restrictions (QR) with low tariff and remove NFA importation monopoly.
Four, cut VAT rate from 12% to around 8% and reduce the exempted sectors. Malaysia is the best example for this, it has a gross sales tax (GST) of 6% until May 2018 then abolished it in June, a campaign promise of PM Mahathir. Its average inflation rate four months before (February 1.4%, March 1.3%, April 1.4%, May 1.8%) was 1.5%, became 0.3% four months after (June 0.8%, July 0.9%, August 0.2%, September 0.3%).
 
Bienvenido S. Oplas, Jr. is the president of Minimal Government Thinkers.
minimalgovernment@gmail.com

On the recent surveys favorable to Duterte

Detractors of President Rodrigo Duterte cannot believe the findings of Social Weather Stations (SWS) that 70% of adult Filipinos are satisfied with the President’s performance and that the country is in the right direction despite the high prices of basic commodities, the drug trade still thriving, and incidents of crime as rampant as before.
The 3rd Quarter 2018 Social Weather Survey, conducted from Sept. 15-23 found 70% of adult Filipinos satisfied with the performance of President Duterte and 75% saying the country is in the right direction. Compared to June 2018, gross satisfaction with the President rose by 5 points from 65% and those who believe the country is in the right direction went up by 5 points from 70%.
Some netizens say SWS has been co-opted by the President. I do not think so. I have no doubt about the integrity of SWS surveys. Its projections have been borne out by the results of the general elections. That is because its survey method is in accordance with accepted general practice in the field of public opinion polling.
This is not in defense of SWS. I have no connection with it and never had. I met Mr. Mahar Mangahas of SWS at the anniversary party of BusinessWorld, I think in 2005. I never saw or talked to him since then. This is more in defense of public opinion polling. I was with Robot Statistics, the country’s first independent public opinion pollster/market research firm and Gallup affiliate, in the early 1960s. It was my first job. I learned then how respondents to public opinion polls are drawn at random so that the entire lot is representative of the voting population. I assume SWS draws its 1,500 respondents the same way.
If there is an apparent contradiction between the respondents’ positive perception of the President’s performance and his critics’ negative assessment of it, it may be attributed to the ambiguity of the question asked of the respondents. The wordings of the survey questions were as follows:
Maaari po bang pakisabi ninyo kung gaano kayo nasisiyahan o hindi nasisiyahan sa pagganap ng tungkulin ni Rodrigo Duterte bilang Presidente ng Pilipinas? Kayo ba ay lubos na nasisiyahan, medyo nasisiyahan, hindi tiyak kung nasisiyahan o hindi, medyo hindi nasisiyahan, lubos na hindi nasisiyahan, o wala pa kayong narinig o nabasa kahit na kailan tungkol kay Rodrigo Duterte?” (Please tell me how satisfied or dissatisfied you are with the performance of Rodrigo Duterte as President of the Philippines. Are you very satisfied, somewhat satisfied, undecided if satisfied or dissatisfied, somewhat dissatisfied, very dissatisfied, or you have not ever heard or read anything about Rodrigo Duterte?)
Sa pangkalahatan, kung iisipin po ang kasalukuyang mga nangyayari sa bansa, sa inyong palagay, patungo po ba ang ating bansa sa tama o maling direksyon? (In general, thinking about the way things are going in the country, in your opinion, is our country going in the right or wrong direction?)
Alfred Whitehead wrote in The Art of Asking Questions that “language is always ambiguous as to the exact proposition which it indicates.” The ambiguity occurs because each individual interprets the question from the interviewee’s viewpoint. As a result, the interviewee’s interpretation of the question is his own and may be significantly different from another person’s understanding.
SWS draws its sample from the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) population figures. According to PSA, the Philippine population breaks down into 1% AB, 9% C, 60% D, and 30% E. If the sample of 1,500 respondents is representative of the voting population, as it should be, then only 15 respondents come from the socio-economic class AB and 135 come from Class C. The bulk of the interviews therefore is conducted among the lower socioeconomic classes — 900 from among those belonging to the socioeconomic class D and 450 to the class E.
It can be safely said that based on their circumstances in life, the highest educational attainment of the 1,350 respondents from the Lower Classes would be 2nd Year High School. Their access to information pertaining to governance cannot be through the print media as they would rather buy food than buy a newspaper. Their main source of information regarding the national and local governments must be the broadcast media as they need not own a radio or television set. There is always someone in their neighborhood who lets neighbors listen or watch what is being aired on his set.
I wonder, therefore, if the great majority of the respondents know what the responsibilities and duties of the president are. The presidential election in 2004 may give us an idea of how the majority of adult Filipinos or Filipino voters perceive the presidency. The strong contenders were Fernando Poe, Jr. and Gloria Arroyo.
Pre-election polls projected Mr. Poe as the likely winner. Namfrel Quick Count of actual votes cast had him ahead of Mrs. Arroyo — 11.2 million votes for him versus 10.5 million for her. The final official count was 12.9 million votes cast for Mrs. Arroyo and 11.8 million for Mr. Poe. Some pundits said the results were tampered with by Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano in favor of Mrs. Arroyo, although other objective election analysts claimed she had 200,000 more votes than Mr. Poe even if there had not been any cheating.
Whatever, the point is that almost as many Filipinos voted for Mr. Poe, a college dropout with zero experience in governance, as those who voted for Mrs. Arroyo, a Doctor of Economics, a nine-year senator, and the sitting president. When Mr. Poe’s daughter Grace ran for president in 2016 with the battle cry “Gusto kong ipagpatuloy ang mga simulain ni FPJ” (I want to continue what FPJ had started), she immediately dropped the slogan when asked what her father had started. She herself could not cite any initiative of her father.
Note that two other candidates with better credentials in government service, Panfilo Lacson and Raul Roco, got much less votes than Mr. Poe. Mr. Lacson, a Philippine Military Academy graduate, holder of a master’s degree in Government Management, former Philippine National Police chief, and sitting senator in 2004, got 3.5 (11%) million votes. Only 2.1 million (6.4%) votes were cast for Mr. Roco, who earned a master’s degree in Law from the University of Pennsylvania, a nine-year senator, and former secretary of Education.
So when adult Filipinos are asked if they are satisfied or dissatisfied with the performance of the president, each respondent has his own frame of reference. Some may say that in the case of Mr. Duterte the great majority of respondents may have a common frame of reference: the fulfillment of his promises when he campaigned for the presidency.
Mr. Duterte was mayor of Davao City for 23 years. As mayor, he launched major reform programs in Davao City. He suppressed crime, corruption, and drug addiction. When he ran for president, he promised he would do the same on a national scale in six months if not in weeks. He also promised to stop contractualization and enter into peace talks with the NPA, NDF, CPP, MILF, and MNLF. So, respondents of surveys on the President’s performance have basis for judging his performance.
But President Duterte himself admitted in August that he was wrong to assume that he could eliminate the illegal drug trade in three to six months. He also intimated that he might not succeed in eradicating corruption. As to crime, it should be obvious even to the people from the Lower Economic Classes that crime is still rampant if it had not increased. The three major TV stations open their evening news daily with video clips of break-ins into homes and offices, daring holdups of restaurant customers, hijacking of vehicles, violent street gang wars, and brazen assassinations in the streets. He failed to end contractualization and terminated peace talks with the Left.
The SWS respondents’ frame of reference in assessing his performance cannot therefore be President Duterte’s fulfillment of his campaign promises for he himself has admitted he failed to fulfill many of them. Most of the SWS respondents may have as reference his frequent appearance on TV. They probably consider this as the President’s effort to reach out to them even if he is just chattering. We do not know that for a fact.
As to the question what direction our country is going in, it is so vague that respondents may not have any interpretation at all.
As President Duterte has shown a disdain for criticism and opposition, as evidenced by the fate of Senator de Lima, Chief Justice Lourdes Sereno, and Sen. Antonio Trillanes, survey respondents could also be afraid to say something negative about the President. That may be the reason for the favorable rating of President Duterte in surveys, regardless of how ambiguous or vague the questions may be.
 
Oscar P. Lagman, Jr. is a member of Manindigan! a cause-oriented group of businessmen, professionals, and academics.
oplagman@yahoo.com

Lapeña charged with graft

FORMER Customs commissioner Isidro S. Lapeña — PHILSTAR/EDD GUMBAN

THE NATIONAL Bureau of Investigation (NBI) has charged Bureau of Customs (BoC) Commissioner Isidro S. Lapeña with graft, gross neglect of duty, and grave misconduct, in connection with technical procedures regarding the release of shipments containing ceramic tiles last March.
The NBI stated that instead of issuing a “Special Stop” to hold the release of those 105 containers, Mr. Lapeña issued a Manual Alert Order (MAO) despite the BoC’s electronic-to-mobile (e2m) system being functional. The NBI said the MAO should only be issued when the e2m system is not accessible.
“Lapeña also deliberately violated the Memorandum that he himself approved when he issued the Memorandum where he interposes no objection to the release of the shipments to the consignee in the Port of Cebu (PoC), despite being the subject of continuing alert and the absence of any documents to support or be the basis of its release,” the NBI said. The bureau also claimed the former Customs chief caused undue injury to the government.
“The manifest indifference of Mr. Lapeña has led to the…release of the shipments, escaping the revenues that the Republic of the Philippines is entitled to,” the complaint read. It also noted “(t)he fact that he allowed the release of the shipments in the PoC, notwithstanding the Memorandum he issued a few days before he issued the Memorandum to the District Collector of Cebu, giving Abundancegain Indent Trading Corp. unwarranted benefits, advantage or preference over the other consignee.”
The case was filed due to a March 19, 2018 report submitted by Port of Manila District Collector Vener S. Baquiran and received by Antonio Meliton Pascual, former chief of the Formal Entry Division of the Port of Manila (PoM), which stated that the containers were released by Asian Terminal Inc. (ATI) “without the requisite examination of the entire shipment and without any Lifting of Alert Order duly approved (by) the Commissioner of Customs.”
ATI released the shipments “based on mere corresponding transmittal memoranda on various dates,” purportedly signed by Mr. Pascual or Marylyn Estur, without the memorandum of the commissioner lifting the alert order on the shipment. The NBI said the transmittal memoranda were “forged.”
President Rodrigo R. Duterte reassigned Mr. Lapeña to the Technical Education and Skills Development Authority on Oct. 25, amid controversies hounding the Customs bureau and involving the illegal drug trade. — VMMV