Home Blog Page 6973

Vaccine czar says gov’t to inoculate 70M by yearend

THE PHILIPPINES can vaccinate as many as 70 million citizens against the coronavirus by year-end, according to the country’s vaccine czar.

The country will get about 10 million doses of vaccines under a global initiative for equal access this quarter, including 117,000 doses of Pfizer, Inc.’s vaccine that might arrive this month, Carlito A. Galvez, Jr. told ABS-CBN News TeleRadyo on Sunday.

The government seeks to inoculate 70 to 80 million Filipino adults to achieve herd immunity, he said.

The vaccine doesn’t need to be given to all Filipinos based on herd immunity, when a large portion of the population becomes immune to the disease, making its spread unlikely.

“Under a best case scenario when we have enough supply and our negotiations for supply succeed, we will have vaccinated 50 million to 70 million by December,” Mr. Galvez said in Filipino.

In case of supply shortage, the vaccination target might have to be delayed until the middle of next year, he added.

The country has signed term sheets with five drug makers covering more than 108 million doses of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) vaccines, Mr. Galvez said.

The presidential palace last week said the government would try to order 178 million doses of coronavirus vaccines so it can inoculate more than 90 million Filipinos this year.

The government is in talks for more than 100 million doses with various drug makers worth $1.2 billion and about 40 million doses under the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access facility of the World Health Organization (WHO) worth $84 million, Finance Secretary Carlos G. Dominguez III said last week.

The Department of Health (DoH) reported 1,790 cases on Sunday, bringing the total to 537,310. The death toll rose by 70 to 11,179, while recoveries increased by 11,388 to 499,798, it said in a bulletin.

There were 26,333 active cases, 87.9% of which were mild, 5.6% did not show symptoms, 3% were critical, 2.9% were severe and 0.67% were moderate.

DoH said one duplicate had been removed from the tally, while 55 recovered cases were reclassified as deaths. Eight laboratories failed to submit their data on Feb. 6.

About 7.6 million Filipinos have been tested for the coronavirus as of Feb. 5, according to DoH’s tracker website.

The coronavirus has sickened about 106.4 million and killed more than 2.3 million people worldwide, according to the Worldometers website, citing various sources including data from the World Health Organization.

About 78 million people have recovered, it said.

DoH on Friday said eight more people had tested positive for a more contagious coronavirus strain, bringing the total in the Philippines to 25.

Three of the eight new cases were from Bontoc, Mountain Province in the country’s north. The Health department said case investigation, contact and back tracing were under way.

DoH earlier traced the more than 800 coronavirus deaths in the past two weeks to “data harmonization” with the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA).

Health Undersecretary Maria Rosario S. Vergeire said three-quarters of the deaths were from March to October 2020. DoH said 864 coronavirus deaths were reported from Jan. 23 to Feb. 4. — Vann Marlo M. Villegas

Nationwide round-up (02/07/21)

PhilHealth corruption cases won’t affect members’ benefits — DoJ

THE delivery of benefits to Philippine Health Insurance Corp. (PhilHealth) members will not be affected by the corruption cases filed or endorsed against several officials of the state-run agency, Justice Secretary Menardo I. Guevarra assured on Sunday. Most of the cases were based on investigations undertaken by member agencies of the task force led by the Department of Justice (DoJ). “(T)hese (PhilHealth) benefits will not be affected in any way,” Mr. Guevarra said in a mobile message on Sunday. Task Force PhilHealth was created by the DoJ based on a memorandum from President Rodrigo Duterte issued on August 7, 2020 to address alleged systematic anomalies in the agency. Other members of the task force are the Office of the Ombudsman, Commission on Audit, Civil Service Commission, Office of the Executive Secretary, Office of the Special Assistant to the President, and the Presidential Anti-Corruption Commission (PACC). Among the alleged irregularities in PhilHealth are the disbursement of payments covering “ghost” patients in connivance with private health care facilities, and unaccounted funds advanced to both private and government-run hospitals. — Bianca Angelica D. Añago

Bill seeks better support program for increasing out-of-school youth

SENATOR Juan Edgardo M. Angara has flagged the increasing number of out-of-school youth (OSY) due to the impact of the coronavirus pandemic on the education sector, and called for the passage of a law that seeks to support school dropouts. Citing data from the Department of Education (DepEd), Mr. Angara said enrollees as of August 2020 dropped to around 23 million from 27.7 million in 2019. Around 2.75 million of the four million who dropped out were private school students. “We understand that the sharp drop in enrollment for the current school year was due to the restrictions on face-to-face education. We hope to see these figures improve once our schools start to open up again, albeit gradually,” Mr. Angara said in a statement. The senator also cited 2017 data from the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) showing that 3.53 million out of 39.2 million Filipinos aged 6 to 24 were considered out-of-school youth, around 50% of whom belong to families in the bottom 30% of the population based on their per capita income. “The data is alarming and there is a real danger that we’ll end up with even more OSYs now because of the impact of the pandemic on family incomes and the challenges posed by blended learning on both students and their parents alike,” he said. Senate Bill 1090 or the Magna Carta of the Out-of-school Youth aims to strengthen the government’s policies and programs for out-of-school youth. Among the programs of the proposed law include free mandatory technical/vocational education through the Technical Education and Skills Development Authority (TESDA) as well as their inclusion in various government scholarship and financial assistance schemes. The bill defines out-of school youth as 15 to 30-year olds who are “not in school, not gainfully employed, and have not finished college or a post-secondary course.” The bill filed in October 2019 is pending at the committee level. Similar bills were also filed by Senators Sherwin T. Gatchalian, Maria Lourdes Nancy S. Binay, and Ramon B. Revilla, Jr. — Vann Marlo M. Villegas

Regional Updates (02/07/21)

2 strong earthquakes jolt Davao del Sur Sunday

A magnitude 6.1 earthquake shook parts of Mindanao past noon Sunday, with epicenter in the town of Magsaysay in Davao del Sur province. The Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology (Phivolcs) recorded an earlier tremor, with a 4.8 magnitude, in the same area at 7:28 a.m. Various intensities were reported in surrounding areas in the south-central Mindanao area, including the cities of Davao, Koronadal, and Kidapawan. Phivolcs said in its bulletin that aftershocks and damage were expected, but no human injuries or major infrastructure damage were immediately reported by local authorities as of 3:30 p.m. At least four aftershocks, with the strongest at magnitude 3.5, were logged in by Phivolcs between 12:30 to 1 p.m. The Davao del Sur Electric Cooperative, Inc. immediately announced on its Facebook page that it undertook a preemptive shutdown of service lines in the towns of Matanao, Magsaysay, Bansalan, Malalag, and Malita. Most lines were restored just after 1:00 p.m.

Eastern Visayas development body gets counterpart bill in Senate

THE creation of an Eastern Visayas Development Authority (EVDA), which will focus on economic and social growth in the region, has been put forward in the Senate. Senator Ramon B. Revilla, Jr. filed on Feb. 1 Senate Bill 2031 to establish the development body whose functions will include promotion of development and business projects in the region. The proposed law provides that the agency will integrate government and private sectors in the growth of the region, facilitate investments, and provide a model for the full implementation of a “comprehensive industrialization and agricultural modernization policy.” Eastern Visayas was the region hit hardest by super typhoon Yolanda, with international name Haiyan, in 2013. It is composed of six provinces — Biliran, Leyte, Northern Samar, Samar, Eastern Samar, Southern Leyte — and two independent cities, Ormoc and Tacloban, which serves as the regional center.

POVERTY
“It is hoped that with the creation of this special body, whose singular focus will be the achievement of social and economic progress of the region, we can lift more Filipino families out of poverty and further improve their standard of living,” reads part of the bill’s explanatory note.  Data from the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) show poverty incidence in Eastern Samar at 49.5%, Northern Samar at 34%, Samar at 29%, Leyte at 28.6%, Southern Leyte at 23.6%, and Biliran at 19.7%. Under the bill, the amount necessary for the agency’s creation and operations shall be included in the annual national budget. The agency is also given authority to formulate integrated development framework, and promote and facilitate investments in the region. It will also be tasked to review and recommend programs and projects to the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) Board as well as assess plans for the creation of special economic zones, among others. The regional body shall also have authority over the funds, equipment and properties donated by foreign government, non-profit agencies and private entities to the national government for the continuing rehabilitation of the region due to typhoon Yolanda’s impact. A counterpart bill creating the Eastern Visayas Development Authority was approved in the House of Representatives in June last year. — Vann Marlo M. Villegas

27-km road in Aguilar to provide access to indigenous community, ylang-ylang plantation view deck

DPWH

A 27.6-kilometer road in Aguilar, now 64% done, is expected to benefit a community of indigenous people and boost agro-tourism in the town that has sprawling farms of ylang-ylang (Cananga odorata), a flower that is processed for its oil used in perfumes. The Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH), in a statement on Sunday, said the project has an estimated cost of P934-million under a multi-year program and is scheduled for completion by 2022. It involves the construction of concrete roads, a 120.9-meter bridge, drainage, slope protection, pavement markings, and road safety facilities. Dubbed the Daang Katutubo, it will provide improved access for the indigenous communities of Kankanaey, Bago, and Ibaloi groups in Barangay Mapita. It will also make travel faster to the view deck of the Ylang Ylang Plantation at Nayong Aguilar. “This road improvement will give boost to the growth of tourism, provide economic opportunities, and will allow the indigenous people to have better access to basic social services available in more urbanized areas,” DPWH Secretary Mark A. Villar said in the statement.

Over 250 construction workers in Cagayan de Oro isolated after 22 others test positive for COVID-19

ABOUT 266 construction workers in Cagayan de Oro have been placed at the city’s isolation facilities after 22 of their colleagues tested positive for the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), Mayor Oscar S. Moreno announced at a streamed briefing on Saturday. Mr. Moreno said they stepped into the situation as the Manila-based company handling the construction project ordered a week-long work stoppage immediately after the confirmation of workers positive for COVID-19. “I asked the company for their full cooperation. The company will pay the workers (even if they’re not working). We chose risk management of the situation rather than ordering the project to be shut down because if we did, the workers won’t be paid in full and their project won’t be completed,” Mr. Moreno said. He added that the company does have health protocols in place, but lapses must have triggered the outbreak. “We will be more aggressive in our tracing of close contacts. I ordered the workers to be isolated and (we cannot discount the possibility) that they had contact with their families. I’m also concerned (that due to the costs of testing and housing their workers) the company may cut on costs and stop their project. This would impact heavily on the city’s investment climate,” he added. The City Health Office’s resident epidemiologist, Teodulfo Joselito Retuya, Jr., said the workers in isolation will be tested on February 8. Mr. Retuya noted that the workers were housed at the construction site in bunkhouses, with two or three staying in every unit. “That’s why when some of them tested positive, we extracted them immediately,” he said. — MSJ

Anthropocene

Turns out the year 2020 was even more of a turning point than just because of the COVID-19 pandemic. A fact arguably almost as significant was reported in an article published last December[1] in Nature, the redoubtable science periodical: “We find that Earth is exactly at the crossover point; in the year 2020 (plus or minus six years) the anthropogenic mass, which has recently doubled roughly every 20 years, will surpass all global living biomass.”

In plainspeak this means that as of last year all the artificial stuff we have churned out and are using, including roads, skyscrapers, malls, churches, public monuments, kitchen appliances, textiles — and, yes, face masks — now weigh more than all living things put together. The authors estimate the overall living biomass (all trees, plants, and animals including humans) weighs 1.1 tera tons (i.e., 1.1 thousand billion tons). That is the milestone number our “stuff” has just surpassed. “On average,” the authors, led by Weizmann Institute’s R. Milo, estimate, “for each person on the globe, anthropogenic mass equal to more than his or her body weight is produced every week.” At this rate, they estimate that human-made artifacts will be three times the living biomass by 2040 and that — as that stuff falls into disuse — the world faces an avalanche of waste in the next two decades. That effect is aside from the destruction of natural habitats from urbanization, pollution and greenhouse gas emissions, industrial agriculture, the overexploitation of marine life, the wild animal trade, etc. — which scientists incidentally suspect bite us back in the form of novel diseases like COVID.

These and other findings only bolster the emerging idea that we now live in a qualitatively new geological epoch — the Anthropocene, in which humans have become the dominant force shaping the planet. If the findings in the Nature piece are right, we might half-seriously imagine some distant future when a thick layer of geologic rock will be identifiable not by plant or animal fossils but by an unusual amalgam of crushed concrete aggregates, iron beams, glass, and pure aluminum. Some future geologist, after some digging may find corroborating traces of plastic water bottles and sanitary pads and might then exclaim: “Aha, definitely the Anthropocene!”

The urgent problem of the human impact on the planet is the subject of two significant reports that appeared early this year: the first is the UNDP’s 2021 Human Development Report (HDR) titled Human development and the Anthropocene[2]; the second is The economics of biodiversity, a review led by the eminent Cambridge economist Partha Dasgupta and commissioned by no less than the UK Treasury.[3] (We can only dream our own finance department might do something as enlightened — Finance Secretary Carlos “Sonny” Dominguez chairs the climate change commission but he cheerleads for mining.)

Both reports question whether the current manner that humans relate to nature can be sustained. (Short answer: no.) They provide rich detail and scholarship for the argument and constructive approaches to a solution and are a definite must-read. But there is room here only to highlight a common plea by both, which is for a radical rethinking of how we understand and measure our well-being.

The 2021 HDR demonstrates this by reformulating its own well-known human development index (HDI). To recall: the original HDI is a composite measure of a people’s health and longevity, living standards, and educational or literacy (i.e., the state of being “healthy, wealthy, and wise”). Those achievements, however, come at an inevitable cost to the planet because of the pressure on the environment caused by the production and consumption required to achieve “human development.” If the index is adjusted to account for (a.) the carbon emissions created by a country’s output, and (b.) the material extracted to meet the consumption by its people, the result is the “planetary pressures-adjusted HDI” (PHDI), an HDI that takes into account the human impact on nature. (See the Table.)

The predictable result is that virtually all countries’ HDI must be adjusted downward (e.g., see the third and fourth columns of the table). What is significant, however, is that rich and high-HDI countries are demoted in PHDI rankings while poorer countries tend to rise. The erstwhile top HDI-performer Norway, for example, drops 15 ranks in the PHDI, most likely because its high living standards are based on huge oil and gas exports. The same explains the huge drop for Australia (a drop of 72 ranks), a good part of whose economy is based on mining.

The Philippines actually fares not too badly and actually rises 24 places in PHDI: its economic basis being in services rather than in manufacturing means it has lower carbon emissions; it has fewer extractive industries; and its lower income and consumption also means a lower material footprint. (This is at least one league table where we beat China and Indonesia.) All that notwithstanding, of course, one will still be hard-pressed however to convince present-day Filipinos that they are better off than the average Chinese.

The roughly negative correlation between HDI and PHDI raises the central question whether affluence and human expansion must necessarily be sacrificed to save the planet. Opinions on this diverge widely. But part of the dilemma, according to the Dasgupta Report, is a false one and stems from the wrong-headed way we measure wealth and well-being. The pissing contest among countries today is measured in GDP, but Dasgupta et al. say this is misleading. First, GDP is a flow not a stock, and so says nothing about whether we are living off income in the true (Hicksian) sense and not just running down our assets. (After all, anyone can maintain a high-end lifestyle for a time by slowly pawning off one’s inheritance.)

But second, the assets we value are themselves incomplete. Economists, who secretly know better, have complacently tolerated the shortcomings of GDP conventions inherited from a previous century. National-income accounting to this day includes only physical or produced capital (the artificial “stuff” that ends up in geologic strata) neglecting both human capital and natural capital. One obvious example is how education spending, which forms human capital, is still obtusely classified as consumption instead of investment. More perverse is the wholesale disregard for natural capital and the failure to value the services it contributes to real income (e.g., its provisioning, regulating, and aesthetic-spiritual functions). As a result, the even wanton destruction and degradation of natural assets and their transformation into artificial “stuff” can be justified as unalloyed gains in GDP. In contrast, reforestation, coral reef protection, and similar spending that preserves or expands natural capital are also classified as consumption, not investment. This is because the flow of benefits from natural capital are unpriced, regarded as “free,” and therefore ignored in favor of marketable “stuff.”

While it is technologically possible at any time to turn natural capital into produced capital (e.g., by clear-cutting a forest to build a road, or strip-mining a mountain to extract aluminum for a building), it may not always make true economic sense to do so. A vigorous theoretical debate used to rage regarding how much physical capital (“stuff”) and human capital (“smarts”) might substitute for the loss of the natural environment (“setting”). But given the rapid deterioration in the biosphere in recent times — e.g., the species extinction rate that is 1,000 to 10,000 times what should be expected — that debate has subsided and a consensus now seems to emerge that the point of no return is fast approaching, if it is not already past.

The Dasgupta Report therefore champions the use of “inclusive wealth” to measure welfare. This means valuing and monitoring the level of all capital — produced, human, and most crucially natural capital. By so doing, even when converting natural to produced-capital or to human capital, society is at least forced to measure not only what it gains, but also what is lost. Dasgupta et al. make the point that the proper valuation of nature, far from being a mere sentimental choice, is in fact a hard-nosed economic one.

Adam Smith in his other great book wrote of how humans were inherently capable of empathy (“sympathy” in the original). Empathy is what allows us today to imagine ourselves in the shoes of our descendants, who in some far future might be confronted by a much-diminished natural environment — perhaps viewing a display of a solitary balintong (Palawan pangolin) exhibiting stereotype, pacing back and forth in its enclosure against a projected image of a rainforest visible only through a VR headset. At that point, our descendant removing her goggles may ask, like Oliver Twist, “Please, sir, I want some more.” Then we may well wonder whether we made the right economic choices during our time.

[1] E. Elhacham, L. Ben-Uri, J. Grozovski, Y. Bar-On, and R. Milo [2020] “Global human-made mass exceeds all living biomass”, Nature, 588: 442-444.  https://www.nature.com/articles/s41586-020-3010-5

[2] Available at http://hdr.undp.org/en/2020-report.

[3] Available at: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/957291/Dasgupta_Review_-_Full_Report.pdf

 

Emmanuel S. De Dios is professor emeritus at the University of the Philippines School of Economics.

The ‘little legislature’

Congress has finally ratified the Corporate Recovery and Tax Incentives for Enterprises Act (CREATE) bill. But controversy still hounds its passage in Congress.

CREATE is a pillar of the administration’s comprehensive tax reforms. In gist, the bill rationalizes fiscal incentives and makes corporate income taxation competitive. CREATE likewise has become a tool for the economic stimulus.

In short, CREATE was a priority bill. CREATE was supposed to have passed even before the pandemic broke out. The House of Representatives (HoR) in fact quickly passed a bill that was in full compliance with what the Executive and other stakeholders wanted.

Two principal objectives define CREATE: The first is to have fiscal incentives that are time-bound, performance-based, and transparent and that are tied to the strategic investment priorities. The second is to lower corporate taxation in response to what is admittedly an unhealthy global tax competition.

But the Senate took a longer time to pass the bill, as it went through intense, even acrimonious, debate. The Senate version diluted the HoR bill. Still, the end product reflected the acceptable compromises that would not undermine the bill’s essential reforms. To speed up the process, the President issued a certificate of urgency for the bill’s passage on third reading in the Senate.

Finally, the Senate passed the bill in late November 2020. For it expressed the political economy equilibrium, so to speak, without weakening the objectives and key features of CREATE, the initial consensus was for the HoR to adopt the Senate bill. Thus, having a bicameral conference committee (bicam), which is convened to reconcile the House and Senate bills, was no longer necessary.

But then came the twist. The HoR leadership asked for a bicam. Everyone else was surprised in light of an earlier agreement that the House would adopt the Senate bill. Anxiety again heightened. On not a few occasions, the talks before and during the bicam are opaque. The negotiators sometimes hide behind a veil of secrecy.

It took another two months before the bicam bill was hammered out. To be sure, the bicam bill, subsequently ratified by both houses of Congress, affirmed the essential objectives and features of CREATE.

But the CREATE bill that Congress finally ratified remains highly controversial. The bicam inserted provisions not found in either bill of the HoR and Senate.

What specifically are the objectionable insertions?

1. Chapter II (Tax and Duty Incentives), Section 295: “Crude oil that is intended to be refined at a local refinery, including the volumes that are lost and not converted to petroleum products when the crude oil actually undergoes the refined process, shall be exempt from payment of applicable duties and taxes upon importation….”

2. Section 296: “Tier II [items that are qualified to be covered by the Strategic Investment Priority Plan] shall include activities that produce supplies, parts, and components, and intermediate services that are not locally produced but are critical to industrial development and import-substituting activities, including crude oil refining...” [italics mine].

3. Chapter III (The Fiscal Incentives Review Board), Section 297: “Notwithstanding the provisions in the preceding paragraphs, tax and duty incentives granted through legislative franchises shall be excepted from the foregoing expanded powers of the Fiscal Incentives Review Board to review, withdraw, suspend, or cancel tax incentives and subsidies...” [italics mine].

4. Section 301: “Notwithstanding the provisions in the preceding paragraphs, tax and duty incentives granted through legislative franchises shall be excepted from the foregoing expanded powers of the President to review, withdraw, suspend, or cancel tax incentives and subsidies…” [italics mine].

To emphasize, the role of the bicam is to reconcile the differences in the Senate and HoR bills. Thus, any amendments can be made in a situation where the House and Senate bills differ.

The Philippine Constitution is clear on this matter. Article VI. Section 26 (2) states: “Upon the last reading of the bill no amendment thereto shall be allowed, and the vote thereon shall be taken immediately after, and the yeas and nays entered in the Journal.”

Here is what Section 62 (on Conference Committee) of the Rules of the House of Representatives (18th Congress) states: “In resolving the differences between the two measures, the House panel shall, as much as possible, adhere to and support the House bill or joint resolution. If the differences with the Senate bill or joint resolution are so substantial that they materially impair the House bill or joint resolution, the panel shall report such fact to the House for the latter’s appropriate action.”

Further, the Senate’s Legislative Process in the 18th Congress states under the section of Authority of Conferees says:

“The authority given to the Senate conferees theoretically is limited to matters in disagreement between the two chambers. They are not authorized to delete provisions or language agreed to by both the House and the Senate as to draft entirely new provisions.

“In practice, however, the conferees have wide latitude, except where the matters in disagreement are very specific. Moreover, conferees attempt to reconcile their differences, but generally they try to grant concession only insofar as they remain confident that the chamber they represent will accept the compromise.”

We can argue that the aforementioned insertions violate the spirit and letter of the Constitution as well as the internal rules of both houses of Congress. The insertions are “entirely new provisions,” and they are not connected to disagreements or differences found in the Senate and HoR bills.

In this regard it is worth citing a passage from the Supreme Court en banc resolution: G.R. No. 115455, October 30, 1955, consolidating the cases Arturo M. Tolentino v. The Secretary of Finance and The Commissioner of Internal Revenue, and others. In this resolution, the Supreme Court quotes a 1979 study:

Conference committees may be of two types: free or instructed. These committees may be given instructions by their parent bodies or they may be left without instructions. Normally the conference committees are without instructions, and this is why they are often critically referred to as “the little legislatures.” Once bills have been sent to them, the conferees have almost unlimited authority to change the clauses of the bills and in fact sometimes introduce new measures that were not in the original legislation. No minutes are kept, and members’ activities on conference committees are difficult to determine. One congressman known for his idealism put it this way: “I killed a bill on export incentives for my interest group [copra] in the conference committee but I could not have done so anywhere else.” The conference committee submits a report to both houses, and usually it is accepted. If the report is not accepted, then the committee is discharged and new members are appointed.

(R. Jackson, Committees in the Philippine Congress, in Committees and Legislatures: A Comparative Analysis 163 [J. D. Lees and M. Shaw, eds.]).

Nonetheless, said the Supreme Court, “we pass no judgment on the methods of conference committees.” One must thus go back to the rules set by Congress. But the critical point in the above passage is how it exposes the undemocratic nature of the bicam’s conduct. One single congressman can kill a bill in the bicam to serve his interest group, which “he could not have done so anywhere else.”

The objection to the insertions in the CREATE bicam bill is not just about the legally questionable and unethical manner of its approval. The objection likewise concerns the very wisdom of such insertions.

Giving tax incentives to a local crude oil refinery without it being subject to debate and scrutiny and exempting legislative franchises from the review powers of the Fiscal Incentives Review Board and the President are arbitrary, discriminatory, and unfair. They likewise challenge economic principles and logic.

The President should thus use his line-item veto power to reject these insertions.

 

Filomeno S. Sta. Ana III coordinates the Action for Economic Reforms.

www.aer.ph

What to expect at the new Clark Airport

The decision is final. The Original Proponent Status (OPS) awarded to Megawide Corp. to transform the Ninoy International Airport Complex into a world class airport was revoked with finality by the board of the Manila International Airport Authority (MIAA). In its official statement, MIAA cited the lack of financial equity as the reason for cancelling the OPS.

I was privy to the case and know that this is only a reason of convenience. Records show that Megawide met all the financial requirements of the government as early as November, 2020. It even issued secondary preferred shares at the Philippine Stock Exchange just to meet the minimum equity required.

This situation is problematic because despite claims that San Miguel Corp.’s Bulacan airport will be operational by 2025, we all know that this is impossible given the magnitude of reclamation and construction works that need to be done. I give it until 2030, at the earliest, since they have not even broken ground yet. In the meantime, the Filipino people will have to contend with the inconveniences of NAIA’s ageing facilities.

The saving grace is that the new terminal of the Clark Airport will soon be operational. The expansion of Clark Airport was a brainchild of Transportation Secretary, Art Tugade, back in 2016. After finalizing the terms of reference at lightning speed, the Bases Conversion Development Authority awarded the construction contract to Megawide Corp. in December 2017. Construction of the P9.36-billion terminal started in early 2018 for which the completed building (without fit-out) was officially turned over to the government last month.

This is a hybrid privatization deal, hence, the builder of the project is a separate entity from that given the rights to operate and maintain the same. In this case, the new operator of the rejuvenated Clark Airport is Lipad Corp., a joint venture between Filinvest Corp., JG Summit, Philippine Airport Ground Support Solutions, Inc. (PAGS), and Changi Airports of Singapore.

Last week, I had the opportunity to visit the new Clark Terminal, thanks to the invitation of Federico Paolo Santos, an old friend, who is now the Head of Commercial Operations at Lipad. Paolo, along with his staff, Camille Lacson and engineer Roldan Bago, briefed me on the features of the new airport. The building’s shell is finished. When I visited, the place was abuzz with workers doing the fit and finishes.

The installation of modular fixtures such as the check-in counters, immigration booths, security station and the like will follow in the summer. Outside the building, a two storey mall and transport hub will be built, Santos disclosed. About 100 meters away is where the train station of the Tutuban-Malolos-Clark line will terminate. This will be finished in about five years. In the meantime, the terminal is accessible via the SCTEX. The journey from Ortigas Center took me just one hour.

The building has a floor area of 110,000 square meters, four and a half times the size of the existing terminal. It has an annual capacity of 8 million passengers. Its inverted T-shaped layout is reminiscent of the Barcelona airport. The main vestibule boasts of cathedral ceilings made of glued laminated wood from Austria. It is the same material utilized in the award-winning Cebu-Mactan airport. The building’s roofline is inspired by Mount Arayat and Mount Pinatubo, both of which are just 15 kilometers away. In the waiting area, floor to ceiling windows face the airport’s 18 air bridges and two runways. It gives passengers an unobstructed view of the comings and goings of aircrafts.

There are five gates to enter the terminal and surprisingly, none of them have X-ray machines. Passengers need not have their luggage X-rayed upon entry anymore as there are three inconspicuous X-ray machines installed between the check-in counters and baggage routing conveyors. It is the same system used in Doha’s Hamad International Airport. There are 80 check in counters, duly segregated according to airline operators.

I was told that Clark will be utilizing the same carry-on baggage security system as that in Doha, which could be the Smiths Detection’s HI-SCAN 6040 CTiX. This equipment offers advanced screening of carry-on baggage using Computed Tomography.

The amenities of this airport are complete. There are spacious rest rooms for male, female, neutral, and persons with disabilities; prayer rooms; changing and play rooms for children; a clinic; banks; forex exchange counters; car and hotel booking offices, etc. As of the moment, no airline has committed to build their signature lounge yet. Hence, there will be pay-for-use lounges operated by third parties.

The departure and arrival halls are dotted with food and beverage establishments that serve a range of options at varying price points. There will also be a food concourse at the 4th floor with about 20 establishments. On the third floor will be a well-curated duty free area operated by Duty Free Philippines. The arrival area is rigged with eight baggage carousels and a spacious area for meeters and greeters. Lipad is sparing no expense with the fit and finish. Floor and bathroom tiles are imported from Spain and Italy while carpets were imported from the States, declared Mr. Bago. Curiously, the wing facing Mount Arayat will utilize green carpets while the wing facing Manila Bay will be decked with blue carpets.

Overhead, Pampanga-made art installations will complete the look of nature.

I got to meet the Lipad’s new Finance Comptroller, the charming Gina Gopez who told me that operations at the new terminal will commence in July of this year. The old terminal will be used as a temporary vaccination site for the Clark community.

Before the pandemic struck, Clark Airport was already processing some four million passengers a year with 674 flights per week, 202 of which were international flights, the balance were domestic flights. Clark Airport typically services the residents of Central and Northern Luzon all the way to Quezon City and CAMANAVA.

Although flight volumes have plunged to abysmal levels since the contagion, it is expected to climb to pre-COVID-19 levels in mid-2023. This gives the folks at Lipad the time to debug its operating system without much passenger inconvenience.

From now until the Bulacan Airport becomes operational in 2030 or so, NAIA and Clark would have to carry the full load of Luzon’s passenger volume. Records show that NAIA was already operating at 50% beyond its true capacity in 2019, having served 47.8 million passengers that year. By virtue of NAIA’s overflow alone, Clark is seen to reach full capacity by 2024-2025. From then until Bulacan comes online, Luzon faces another crisis of terminal and runway congestion.

It was a mistake to pull the plug on NAIA’s rehabilitation. We could have put airport congestion behind us for good. Now it still looms over our heads. But that is water under the bridge. At least Clark will help fill the gap for the short term.

 

Andrew J. Masigan is an economist

andrew_rs6@yahoo.com

Twitter @aj_masigan

China’s unilateral nine-dash line

 

“China unleashes another deadly virus…” retired Senior Associate Justice Antonio Carpio called out in his column in the Inquirer, that slow Thursday, Jan. 28. Another deadly virus after the Wuhan virus or COVID-19? That surely gripped the readers’ attention, in this tremulous time of the persistent pandemic.

Justice Carpio explained his metaphor: “… this time, a legal virus that can only roil even more the seething dispute in the South China Sea. Last week China approved a new law, to take effect Feb. 1, 2021, authorizing its Coast Guard to use armed force to secure its notorious nine-dash line claim to almost the entire South China Sea.”

China’s unilaterally drawn territorial demarcation: the nine-dash line. Its definition of Chinese sovereignty and economic borders must really be the deadly pandemic that has malingered over 70 years after World War II, home-grown by the re-awakening China in its obsession to regain its former political and economic position in the world.

History tells of China’s claims on territories in the South China Sea as spoils of war after the surrender of Japan in 1946. An article in Time Magazine (July 2016) by Hannah Beech said that the nine-dash line was originally an 11-dash line (from a 1935 Chinese land and water administration map) first drawn by the then Republic of China in December 1947 to justify its claims in the South China Sea. In 1949, the newly established People’s Republic of China (Communist Party) dropped claims in the Gulf of Tonkin, and the 11 dashes were revised to nine.

China’s nine-dash line claim encloses 85.7% of the entire South China Sea. This is equivalent to 3 million square kilometers out of the 3.5 million square kilometers surface area of the South China Sea, according to Justice Carpio, who has indefatigably fought against China’s outrageous and illegal claims. The Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, and Indonesia have been protesting China’s claim.

“What is at stake for the Philippines are: a.)  80% of the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone (EEZ), comprising 381,000 square kilometers of maritime space, and, b.) 100% of the Philippines’ extended continental shelf (ECS), estimated at over 150,000 square kilometers of maritime space, aggregating a huge maritime area of over 531,000 square kilometers, larger than the total land area of the Philippines of 300,000 square kilometers,” Justice Carpio said at a lecture on Feb. 25, 2016, at the Philippine Social Science Center.

In January 2013, the Philippines formally initiated arbitration proceedings against China’s territorial claim, the “nine-dash line,” which it said was unlawful under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). In July 2016, the formal arbitral award in favor of the Philippines stated that “there was no evidence that China had historically exercised exclusive control over the waters or resources, hence there was no legal basis for China to claim historic rights” over the nine-dash line (The Economist, July 12, 2016). The tribunal also judged that China had violated the Philippines’ sovereign rights and caused “severe harm to the coral reef environment” (The New York Times, July 12, 2016). China has repeatedly and adamantly rejected the UNCLOS ruling, vocally by its President Xi Jin Ping, and by aggressive action insisting upon the nine-dash line demarcation.

China has continuously been expanding its facilities in the South China Sea (SCS, called the “West Philippine Sea” by the Philippines), reclaiming land to effectively extend boundaries, creating military facilities including a three-km (1.86-mile) military-grade runway, barracks, and radars on Mischief Reef, which is within the Philippine EEZ, a July 2020 Aljazeera report noted.

“Maritime incidents have also escalated, with a Vietnamese boat being sunk, an incident blamed on a Chinese surveillance vessel. All eight fishermen survived. In June 2019, at least 22 Filipino fishermen were left to drown when their fishing boat was rammed under suspicious circumstances by an alleged Chinese militia boat. They were later rescued by Vietnamese fishermen.”

“We can never win a war with China,” President Rodrigo Duterte said after the Chinese hit-and-run incident with the 22 fishermen. But it was known early on in Duterte’s governance that he would not fight China over “incidents” nor would he call on the UN Arbitral ruling lest it calls up a war with China. Let sleeping dogs lie. But what now, with this new law of a very awake and raring China, directing its Coast Guard to kill on sight “transgressors” of its unilateral nine-dash line?

At first, Foreign Affairs Secretary Teddy Locsin, Jr. said it was “none of our business” that China passed a new law telling its Coast Guard to fire on foreign ships in Chinese-claimed waters (PDI, Jan. 28, 2021). But China’s Coast Guard is the largest blue water coast guard fleet in the world, with more coast guard vessels than Japan, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines combined. It has at least two 10,000-ton coast guard vessels in the SCS waters, the world’s largest coast guard vessels. This is on top of having the world’s largest Navy, with 240,000 active personnel (est.) as of 2018; 537+ ships as of 2018 (excluding auxiliaries); 594+ aircraft as of 2018; and the largest and most warships in the world. And according to Justice Carpio, China’s “Third Navy” is a maritime militia consisting of hundreds of thousands of fishermen who are well-trained to spy on foreign warships, harass foreign fishing vessels, and act as eyes and ears for the navy of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Their fishing vessels, numbering about 20,000, are equipped with China’s Beidou satellite navigation and communications system. The PLA’s official newspaper declared: “Putting on camouflage these fishermen qualify as soldiers, taking off the camouflage they become law abiding fishermen.” The total PLA is the largest in the world, with 2,035,000 (2020) active personnel, 510,000 (2020) reserve, and 660,000 paramilitary.

Secretary Locsin reflected, retracted his “none of our business” first reaction, and fired off a diplomatic protest to China about its new Coast Guard Law. The immediately precedent Philippine diplomatic protest filed against China was in August 2020, three months after the Chinese Coast Guard’s brazen confiscation in May of fish aggregating devices from Filipino fishermen near Bajo de Masinloc, also known as Scarborough Shoal, some 120 nautical miles off Zambales, and within the Philippines’ 200-nautical mile exclusive economic zone (EEZ).

But why are we so timid, and cowering against the deliberate malice and mischief of a foreign government and trespassers in our own territory? Have we no dignity, no pride as victims of a bully who has intimidated with superior strength and false “friendship”? Alas, what seems to be the problem is the personal self-pride and stubbornness of some, who are, unfortunately, the ones who must be the face and heart of the hapless, helpless collective masses, the common people who take all the consequential suffering from wrong responses to such frontal attack of foreign bullies.

“In 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague unanimously ruled in favor of the country and rejected China’s sweeping claims over virtually the entire sea areas falling within the ‘nine-dash line.’” The tribunal also found that China had caused “severe harm” to the marine environment because of its land reclamation. Despite the milestone ruling, Beijing still refuses to acknowledge the Philippines’ victory” (CNN Philippines, July 12, 2020).

Our leaders must defend our hard-won victory over China’s grand theft of our territory and rights.

 

Amelia H. C. Ylagan is a Doctor of Business Administration from the University of the Philippines.

ahcylagan@yahoo.com

China’s latest weapon against Taiwan: The sand dredger

ON BOARD the Taiwan Coast Guard Ship PP-10062, East China Sea — Taiwanese coast guard commander Lin Chie-ming is on the frontline of a new type of warfare that China is waging against Taiwan. China’s weapon? Sand.

On a chilly morning in late January, Mr. Lin, clad in an orange uniform, stood on the rolling deck of his boat as it patroled in choppy waters off the Taiwan-run Matsu Islands. A few kilometers away, the Chinese coast was faintly visible from Mr. Lin’s boat. He was on the lookout for Chinese sand-dredging ships encroaching on waters controlled by Taiwan.

The Chinese goal, Taiwanese officials say: pressure Taiwan by tying down the island democracy’s naval defenses and undermining the livelihoods of Matsu residents.

Half an hour into the patrol, Mr. Lin’s nine-man crew spotted two 3,000-ton dredgers, dwarfing their 100-ton vessel. Parked just outside Taiwan’s waters, neither of the dredgers clearly displayed their names, making it difficult for a crew member to identify them as he peered through binoculars.

Upon spotting Mr. Lin’s boat, armed with two water cannons and a machine gun, the dredgers quickly pulled up anchor and headed back toward the Chinese coast.

“They think this area is part of China’s territory,” said Mr. Lin, referring to Chinese dredgers that have been intruding into Matsu’s waters. “They usually leave after we drive them away, but they come back again after we go away.”

The sand-dredging is one weapon China is using against Taiwan in a campaign of so-called gray-zone warfare, which entails using irregular tactics to exhaust a foe without actually resorting to open combat. Since June last year, Chinese dredgers have been swarming around the Matsu Islands, dropping anchor and scooping up vast amounts of sand from the ocean bed for construction projects in China.

The ploy is taxing for Taiwan’s civilian-run Coast Guard Administration, which is now conducting round-the-clock patrols in an effort to repel the Chinese vessels. Taiwanese officials and Matsu residents say the dredging forays have had other corrosive impacts — disrupting the local economy, damaging undersea communication cables and intimidating residents and tourists to the islands. Local officials also fear that the dredging is destroying marine life nearby.

Besides Matsu, where 13,300 people live, the coast guard says China has also been dredging in the shallow waters near the median line of the Taiwan Strait, which has long served as an unofficial buffer separating China and Taiwan.

Last year, Taiwan expelled nearly 4,000 Chinese sand-dredgers and sand-transporting vessels from waters under its control, most of them in the area close to the median line, according to Taiwan’s coast guard. That’s a 560% jump over the 600 Chinese vessels that were repelled in all of 2019.

In Matsu, there were also many Chinese vessels that sailed close to Taiwanese waters without actually entering, forcing the coast guard to be on constant alert.

The dredging is a “gray-zone strategy with Chinese characteristics,” said Su Tzu-yun, an associate research fellow at Taiwan’s top military think tank, the Institute for National Defense and Security Research. “You dredge for sand on the one hand, but if you can also put pressure on Taiwan, then that’s great, too.”

‘PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE’
Sand is just part of the gray-zone campaign. China, which claims democratically-governed Taiwan as its own territory, has been using other irregular tactics to wear down the island of 23 million. The most dramatic: In recent months, the People’s Liberation Army, China’s military, has been dispatching warplanes in menacing forays toward the island. Taiwan has been scrambling military aircraft on an almost daily basis to head off the threat, placing an onerous burden on its air force.

Taiwanese military officials and Western analysts say China’s gray-zone tactics are meant to drain the resources and erode the will of the island’s armed forces — and make such harassment so routine that the world grows inured to it. China’s sand dredging, said one Taiwanese security official investigating the matter, is “part of their psychological warfare against Taiwan, similar to what they are doing in Taiwan’s southwestern airspace,” where the Chinese jets are intruding.

China’s Taiwan Affairs Office said in a statement to Reuters that Taiwan’s claims that Beijing is allowing sand-dredging boats to engage in “illegal operations” near Matsu and the median line are baseless. The office did say it has taken steps to stop illegal sand-dredging, without elaborating.

The office also said Taiwan is “an inseparable part of China.” Taiwanese authorities, it alleged, are using their claims of control over the waters near the islands to “detain mainland boats and even resorting to dangerous and violent means in their treatment of mainland crews.”

Asked about China’s gray-zone actions, Taiwan’s Mainland Affairs Council, which oversees policy toward China, said the Chinese Communist Party was engaging in “harassment” with the aim of putting pressure on Taiwan. The council said the government had recently increased penalties for illegal dredging in its waters.

Taiwan’s Ministry of National Defense did not respond to questions.

Chinese President Xi Jinping has not ruled out the use of force to subdue Taiwan. If he succeeds — by gray-zone tactics or outright war — it would dramatically undermine America’s decades of strategic dominance in the Asia-Pacific region and propel China toward preeminence in the area.

The Matsu Islands are almost an hour by plane from Taipei. They are one of a handful of island groups close to China’s coast that Taiwan has governed since 1949, when the defeated Republic of China government, under Chiang Kai-shek, fled to Taiwan after losing the Chinese civil war. The Matsu, Kinmen and Pratas island groups lie several hundred kilometers from mainland Taiwan. Their isolation, and their much-reduced Taiwanese military presence since the end of the Cold War, would make them highly vulnerable to a Chinese attack.

Matsu is just nine kilometers from the Chinese coastline at the closest point. The island has a total of just nine coast guard ships, ranging from 10 to 100 tons. On some days, government officials said, the coast guard has faced hundreds of Chinese vessels, ranging in size from 1,000 to 3,000 tons, in and around the island’s waters. Taiwan says those waters extend six kilometers out from the coastline here. China doesn’t officially recognize any claims of sovereignty by Taiwan.

At one point last year, more than 200 Chinese sand-dredging and transport boats were spotted operating south of Nangan, the main Matsu islet, three Taiwanese officials told Reuters. Mr. Lin, the coast guard commander, recalls a similar scene playing out on the morning of Oct. 25, when he and his colleagues encountered an armada of roughly 100 Chinese boats. That day, he said, his team expelled seven Chinese vessels that breached Matsu waters.

“People were frightened by the scene,” he said, referring to local residents. “They were speculating about the purpose of the mainland boats and whether they would pose a security threat to the Matsu region.”

NEW BOATS
In some stand-offs, Taiwan’s coast guard has sprayed high-power water cannons at the Chinese ships in an attempt to drive them away. Last year, Taiwan impounded four Chinese vessels and detained 37 crew members, according to the coast guard. 10 of those arrested were given sentences of six to seven months in prison. The others are still on trial, the coast guard said.

Taiwan is in the process of beefing up its coast guard, partly in response to the dredging threat. Last year, President Tsai Ing-wen commissioned into service the first of a new class of coast guard vessel, based on the design of an “aircraft-carrier killer,” a missile boat for the navy.

More than 100 new coast guard boats will be built in the next decade, Ms. Tsai said in December, vowing to enforce a crackdown with “no mercy” on Chinese dredging in Taiwan waters. In the meantime, larger patrol boats were sent to temporarily reinforce the coast guard in Matsu, whose 117 members are now conducting 24-hour patrols.

The number of sand dredgers off the coast of Matsu dropped significantly at the end of last year, as winter weather brought rougher seas that make dredging difficult. When the seasons change and the seas are calmer, local residents fear that dredgers will be back.

From the late 1950s through to the late 1970s, Chinese forces occasionally bombarded the Matsu Islands with artillery shells. Remnants of that era are still visible across the island group, from old air-raid tunnels to anti-Communist slogans displayed on the rugged cliffs of Nangan island.

Today, Matsu is a popular tourist destination. Its picturesque old-stone homes have been turned into fashionable guest houses.

But locals say China’s dredging tactics are hurting their livelihoods. Chen Kuo-chiang, who runs a seafood restaurant on Nangan, says the dredging has led to a drastic decline in the number of fish he catches off the island. Three years ago, he was hooking a dozen a day with his rod, said Mr. Chen, 39, as he stood fishing on some rocks in a Nangan port. Now, he said, he struggles to catch one or two.

The fears of a Chinese invasion are palpable on Nangan. Mr. Chen thinks the sand dredging might be a precursor to an attack by Chinese forces. “We don’t want to be ruled by mainland China,” he said. “We have freedom, which is limited over there.”

Tsai Chia-chen, who works at an ocean-front bed and breakfast, said concern was particularly high ahead of the US presidential election in early November. At the time, said Ms. Tsai, rumors circulated that China might seize the window of opportunity with the United States distracted by the election to launch an attack on Taiwan. The large number of Chinese dredgers around the islands in late October added to the anxiety, she recalled.

“Our guests were obviously worried,” she said. “There was only one small Taiwan coast guard boat, surrounded by many huge dredgers.”

DAMAGED CABLES
On five occasions last year, the dredgers damaged undersea communication cables between Nangan and Juguang, another isle in the Matsu group, the three Taiwanese officials told Reuters. Mobile phone and internet services for the islanders were disrupted, they said. There were no such incidents in 2019.

State-backed Chunghwa Telecom said it spent T$60 million (about $2 million) to fix the cables last year. It also hired a local fishing boat to conduct daily patrols to ensure the safety of the cables.

The coast guard said most of the fully loaded Chinese vessels around Matsu have been seen heading with their sand in a northerly direction, towards the city of Wenzhou, where the local Chinese government has been touting a massive land reclamation project.

Known as the Ou Fei project, the area has been reclaimed for a new economic zone. It encompasses about 66 square kilometers — more than double the area of all the Matsu Islands. On its website, the Wenzhou local government describes the project as a “major strategic development for the future” of the city.

The Wenzhou city government didn’t respond to a request for comment.

Following contact on the local level between the two sides, China detained several dredging boats last month, according to Taiwan’s coast guard. But a Taiwan-initiated meeting with authorities in the port city of Fuzhou to discuss the dredging was “postponed indefinitely” and without explanation in late December, said Wang Chien-hua, who oversees economic development in the local government that administers Matsu.

Taiwan had been planning to use the online meeting to urge Chinese authorities to enforce mandatory registration for dredgers and punish those who go out to sea without reporting to the authorities, according to an internal government note reviewed by Reuters.

The Taiwan Affairs Office in Beijing said the local authorities on both sides maintained “necessary communication and collaboration” to ensure order on the seas.

Aboard his patrol vessel, Taiwanese commander Mr. Lin sounded defiant. The coast guard, he said, “will use force to drive away” Chinese ships that enter Taiwan’s waters.

“That way we can reassure the people in Matsu. At the moment, we are capable of doing this job.” — Reuters

AstraZeneca shot less effective vs S.African variant

BRITISH drug maker AstraZeneca said on Saturday its vaccine developed with the University of Oxford appeared to offer only limited protection against mild disease caused by the South African variant of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), based on early data from a trial.

The study from South Africa’s University of the Witwatersrand and Oxford University showed the vaccine had significantly reduced efficacy against the South African variant, according to a Financial Times report published earlier in the day.

Among coronavirus variants currently most concerning for scientists and public health experts are the so-called British, South African and Brazilian variants, which appear to spread more swiftly than others.

“In this small phase I/II trial, early data has shown limited efficacy against mild disease primarily due to the B.1.351 South African variant,” an AstraZeneca spokesman said in response to the FT report.

The newspaper said none of the more than 2,000 trial participants had been hospitalized or died.

“However, we have not been able to properly ascertain its effect against severe disease and hospitalization given that subjects were predominantly young healthy adults,” the AstraZeneca spokesman said.

The company said it believed its vaccine could protect against severe disease, given that the neutralizing antibody activity was equivalent to that of other COVID-19 vaccines that have demonstrated protection against severe disease.

The trial, which involved 2,026 people of whom half formed the placebo group, has not been peer-reviewed, the FT said.

While thousands of individual changes have arisen as the virus mutates into new variants, only a tiny minority are likely to be important or change the virus in an appreciable way, according to the British Medical Journal.

“Oxford University and AstraZeneca have started adapting the vaccine against this variant and will advance rapidly through clinical development so that it is ready for Autumn delivery should it be needed,” the AstraZeneca spokesman said.

On Friday Oxford said their vaccine has similar efficacy against the British coronavirus variant as it does to the previously circulating variants. — Reuters

Putin’s once-scorned vaccine now favorite in pandemic fight

REUTERS

PRESIDENT Vladimir Putin’s announcement in August that Russia had cleared the world’s first COVID-19 vaccine for use before it even completed safety trials sparked skepticism worldwide. Now he may reap diplomatic dividends as Russia basks in arguably its biggest scientific breakthrough since the Soviet era.

Countries are lining up for supplies of Sputnik V after peer-reviewed results published in The Lancet medical journal this week showed the Russian vaccine protects against the deadly virus about as well as U.S. and European shots, and far more effectively than Chinese rivals.

At least 20 countries have approved the inoculation for use, including European Union member-state Hungary, while key markets such as Brazil and India are close to authorizing it. Now Russia is setting its sights on the prized EU market as the bloc struggles with its vaccination program amid supply shortages.

In the global battle to defeat a pandemic that’s claimed 2.3 million lives in little more than a year, the race to obtain vaccines has assumed geopolitical significance as governments seek to emerge from the huge social and economic damage caused by lockdowns imposed to limit the spread of the virus. That’s giving Russia an edge as one of a handful of countries where scientists have produced an effective defense.

Its decision to name Sputnik V after the world’s first satellite whose 1957 launch gave the Soviet Union a stunning triumph against the U.S. to start the space race only underlined the scale of the significance Moscow attached to the achievement. Results from the late-stage trials of 20,000 participants reviewed in The Lancet showed that the vaccine has a 91.6% success rate.

“This is a watershed moment for us,” Kirill Dmitriev, chief executive officer of the state-run Russian Direct Investment Fund, which backed Sputnik V’s development and is in charge of its international roll-out, said in an interview.

While it’s too early to gauge the political gains for Putin, Russia’s already making much of the soft-power impact of the vaccine on its image after years of international condemnation over election meddling and targeting of political opponents at home and abroad. State television reports extensively on deliveries to other nations.

Sputnik’s success won’t change hostility toward Putin among Western governments, though it could strengthen Russia’s geopolitical clout in regions such as Latin America, according to Oksana Antonenko, a director at Control Risks consultancy.

“With this vaccine, it’s proven itself capable of producing something new that’s in demand around the world,” she said.

Production constraints are the biggest challenge facing all manufacturers as global demand far outpaces supply. Russia, pledging free shots for its 146 million population, began output last year and the vaccine is currently being manufactured in countries including India, South Korea and Brazil.

This week, it emerged a close ally of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan signed an agreement to produce Sputnik V in Turkey, even as the nation has deals to buy 50 million doses of China’s Sinovac Biotech Ltd.’s CoronaVac vaccine and 4.5 million doses of the Pfizer Inc.-BioNTech SE shot.

Despite Russia’s success, domestic demand remains lukewarm so far, driven by public suspicion of the authorities. Putin, 68, fueled the skepticism in December when he said he was waiting to get the inoculation until it had been cleared for people his age.

He still hasn’t said whether he’s been vaccinated, but other nations aren’t waiting to find out. The day after announcing he’d contracted COVID-19, Mexican President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador said Jan. 25 he’d thanked a “genuinely affectionate” Putin for pledging 24 million doses of Sputnik V in the coming two months. Three days later, Bolivian President Luis Arce personally took delivery of a batch at La Paz airport.

Latin America is proving fertile territory. Argentina, which has struggled to obtain vaccine supplies, started its mass inoculation program after taking delivery of more than half a million Sputnik V doses by January. It’s been joined by Nicaragua, Paraguay and Venezuela. In Brazil, the region’s biggest market, a decision announced Feb. 3 to scrap the requirement for phase three trials for emergency use may speed up approval.

Guinea became the first African nation to start dispensing Sputnik V in December with Moscow-friendly President Alpha Conde and several ministers taking the vaccine. It expects to get 1.6 million doses this year and is also in talks on acquiring Chinese vaccines, along with AstraZeneca Plc’s shot. Zimbabwe, the Central African Republic and Ivory Coast are among other potential customers for Russia.

“We’re not in a position where we can say no to any vaccine. We’ve opted for the Pfizer vaccine, but we’re looking at other vaccines as well,” said Professor Joseph Benie, head of the National Institute of Public Hygiene in Abidjan, Ivory Coast. “There’s an urgency now to start inoculating.”

Unlike the Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine, Sputnik V can be stored in a fridge rather than a freezer, making it easier to transport and distribute in poorer and hotter countries. At around $20 for a two-shot vaccination, it’s also cheaper than most Western alternatives. While more expensive than AstraZeneca, the Russian inoculation has shown higher efficacy than the U.K. vaccine.

For some nations such as Iran, which received the first batch of a promised 2 million doses this week, Russia offers a more palatable political alternative than Western suppliers. But Russia is also making inroads into countries such as the United Arab Emirates, which is traditionally close to the U.S. and has approved Sputnik V for use.

China, whose inoculations are as low as 50% effective in the case of Sinovac Biotech, retains a lead in Asia. Only a handful of countries have opted for Sputnik V, including the Philippines, which is in talks for 25 million doses.

Chinese developers may now team up with Russia. The RDIF struck a preliminary deal to test a combined regimen of shots from Sputnik V and China’s CanSino Biologics to boost effectiveness against Covid-19, people with knowledge of the matter said Friday.

In what could represent the Kremlin’s biggest potential breakthrough, Russia has asked European regulators to examine a request for authorization of Sputnik V after Germany promised to help expedite the process. With top EU officials still smarting over a sluggish vaccine roll-out, German Chancellor Angela Merkel said Tuesday the Russian shot could be used to protect people in the 27-member bloc as long as it was approved by the European Medicines Agency.

Hungary has already granted emergency approval, signing a deal for 2 million doses of Sputnik V with the first 40,000 shots delivered Tuesday. “The vaccine cannot be a political question,” Prime Minister Viktor Orban told state radio Jan. 29. “One can only choose between western and eastern vaccines when you have enough.”

European approval may take several months because of the need to submit detailed data, The Lancet’s Editor-in-Chief Richard Horton told Bloomberg’s QuickTake. “I do think this Russian vaccine will come on tap,” but “not quickly,” he said.

While Russia says it expects the vaccine to be available to 700 million people this year, it’s facing production bottlenecks. “We have to be realistic. Given our other commitments, we will not be able to supply to Europe before May, other than Hungary,” said RDIF’s Dmitriev.

Still, the vaccine is paying dividends for Putin. Even as he visited Moscow Friday to confront Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov over the imprisonment of opposition leader Alexey Navalny, EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell took time to congratulate Russia on developing Sputnik V.

“It’s good news for the whole mankind,” Borrell said. “It means that we are going to have more tools to face the pandemic.” — Bloomberg

Araneta: Team PHL staying the course in its Olympic preparation

PHILIPPINE chef de mission to the Tokyo Olympics Mariano Araneta

By Michael Angelo S. Murillo, Senior Reporter

TEAM Philippines’ preparation for the rescheduled Olympic Games this year continues despite the uncertainties clouding the staging of the sporting spectacle.

Mariano Araneta, the country’s chef de mission to the Tokyo Olympics, said that while training of the Filipino athletes has hit speed bumps because of the prevailing conditions with the pandemic, they still remain committed to their push in the Games and do well.

Currently the Philippines has four athletes — EJ Obiena (pole vault), Caloy Yulo (gymnastics), and Eumir Felix Marcial and Irish Magno (boxing) — who have qualified for the Olympics, but others are expected to join them.

“Right now, we have four who are already qualified and we expect that number to rise as we have athletes who are on the verge of qualifying,” said Mr. Araneta on the Power & Play with Noli Eala program last Saturday.   

“Golf has two in [Yuka] Saso and Bianca [Pagdanganan]. Hidilyn Diaz in weightlifting is almost assured of a spot. Marge Didal in skateboarding has a good chance of qualifying. In judo, we have [Kiyomi] Watanabe. Then, there is boxing with Nesthy Petecio and Rogen Ladon and others,” he added. Mr. Araneta, who is president of the Philippine Football Federation, shared that training of the athletes especially those abroad like Messrs. Obiena (Italy), Yulo (Japan), and Marcial (United States) continues without disruption.

But he admitted those left here are finding it challenging since some of the foreign coaches cannot come over because of travel restrictions among other concerns.

National teams have also gone the “bubble” way for their training with those from boxing, taekwondo and karate at the INSPIRE Sports Academy in Laguna while the fencing team is training in Ormoc, Leyte.

Mr. Araneta said other national teams and federations have also made known their desire to start training as well.

OLYMPICS A GO… FOR NOW
The Philippine CDM also shared that as of now, the Olympics will push through.

“As of now, the Olympics will go on. In fact, we will have an online briefing on Tuesday. All of the CDMs will be part of the briefing with the organizers,” he said.

“They (organizers) have come up with a playbook for the officers, which is a guide for what needs to be done and we expect to get further information in the briefing,” he added.

Mr. Araneta went on to say that for now, nothing has changed yet as far as the number of sports and participants in the Tokyo Olympics.

They, however, are expecting the Games to be conducted in a different way.

“In the past, athletes were allowed to train in the venues in the lead-up to acclimatize themselves. We don’t see that happening much. How the athletes will be shuttled will be a challenge and there will be limited spectators,” said Mr. Araneta of the things they expect come the Olympics.

As the Filipino athletes continue to prepare, Mr. Araneta assured that they will continue to support Team Philippines as they represent the country.

“Let’s pray for our athletes. Hopefully, there won’t be any setbacks like injuries or COVID 19 cases. We’re completely behind them.”

No cheering, no parties: COVID-19 forces different Super Bowl Sunday for fans

TAMPA, FL/LONG BEACH, CA — Fans hoping to watch the Super Bowl on Sunday will face a much different reality this year, with the novel coronavirus restricting the celebration around one of America’s unofficial holidays.

Those who choose to gather at Super Bowl parties big and small in Tampa and across the country face dire warnings from public health officials to abide by basic health and safety protocols, amid the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic that has claimed more than 450,000 lives in the United States.

The US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidance said those who attend large watch parties should avoid “chanting or cheering” and avoid going to the restroom during “high-traffic times.”

For local businesses in Tampa, Florida, meeting the safety standards of the COVID-19 era may mean extra work without the usual super-sized plunder they might have enjoyed with America’s biggest sporting event coming to town.

“We gotta make sure we’re absolutely… taking precautions to the nines,” said Tom Malloy, 25, the manager of Ducky’s Sports Lounge in Tampa, which plans to host fans for a watch party on Sunday with indoor and outdoor seating and 40 TVs blasting the big game.

“We’re willing as a business to accept any of those additional costs to kind of make people feel safe.”

Mr. Malloy said the pandemic has been a learning experience in how to stay up to code with local safety measures while weathering the “hefty, hefty hit” to revenue.

“We’re using Super Bowl as kind of an opportunity to maybe rekindle a relationship with people who have, you know, been out of the bar scene since COVID came,” said Mr. Malloy. “Thank God Super Bowl has been helping us out.”

More than 2,500 miles away in Long Beach, California, Legends Sports Bar on bustling 2nd Street is gearing up for what is traditionally one of the busiest days of the year.

Normally, the large restaurant would be packed with revelers, but due to COVID-19 restrictions on indoor dining, additional tables have been installed outside facing giant TVs.

“We’re going to go full blast. TVs on, sound on, and just crank it as much as we can,” said manager Daryl Domantay. All of the tables, which are positioned eight feet apart, had already sold out.

He said it will be up to his staff to keep groups from getting too close, which he admitted will be a challenge.

“It’s going to be tough because usually, people run up and down, high-fiving each other. Instead, they have to stay in their seat unless they are using the restroom.”

But Domantay said he was lucky — similar bars in Los Angeles County that are governed by a different health department are barred from having TVs on at all to discourage large gatherings.

‘COOL IT’
National Football League (NFL) fans planning an all-day extravaganza of food and football at home aren’t immune to the strict precautions, either.

Dr. Anthony Fauci, the leading US infectious disease specialist, said this week that the typical house parties of the past should “absolutely not” happen.

“As difficult as that is, at least this time around, just lay low and cool it,” Mr. Fauci told Good Morning America.

The National Basketball Association (NBA) issued a warning of its own to teams and coaches, according to media reports (https://twitter.com/ShamsCharania/status/1358092247896641541), telling them they are barred from attending Super Bowl gatherings outside of their homes.

In host city Tampa, where the 22,000-person attendance cap at Raymond James Stadium has made tickets even harder to come by than usual, residents say they’re cutting back on their traditional gatherings.

“Every year, we usually do a big huge party,” said Kevin Schmook, a Tampa resident of 24 years. “We can’t invite all of our friends, so we just go to a house where we know people are COVID-safe.” — Reuters