Fuel excise freeze expected to bring down food prices
THE suspension of excise tax hikes on fuel for 2019 will have a marked impact on food prices, particularly fish, because of the sector’s sensitivity to fuel prices, Agriculture Secretary Emmanuel F. Piñol told reporters.
Mr. Piñol said the suspension of the fuel excise tax increase will be a “big relief” because of the distance from key markets of major food growing areas, including the vegetable farms of the Cordilleras, as well as the marine fishery, where fuel accounts for up to 60% of the cost.
He said relief from higher fuel taxes coincides with the rice harvest, which is boosting supply and bringing food prices down.
“We will be able to feel it in two to three weeks, just in time for the Christmas holidays,” Mr. Piñol said.
The excise tax on fuel, first raised in January 2018 with the effectivity of the first tranche of the tax reform law, was due for another round of increases in 2019, but the government decided to preemptively suspend the increase amid worries about inflation.
The tax reform law itself contains a tax hike suspension provision if the Dubai crude benchmark exceeds $80 for three months. The decision to suspend the tax hike came ahead of schedule as Dubai crude first hit $80 in late September.
Separately, Mr. Piñol said the poultry industry is seeking a farm support price to set a floor for its products alongside the imposition of an SRP.
Pork Producers Federation of the Philippines (PPFP) president Edwin G. Chen said he backs a support price for farmers, which will help them survive oversupply conditions.
Mr. Chen said the farmgate price of pork is now at P120 to P130 per kilogram, to which the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) adds P70 to determine the SRP.
Mr. Chen, however, said that a farm support price should be on the table as the cost of inputs such as feed are also volatile. — Reicelene Joy N. Ignacio
Clark airport expansion hits 25% completion
THE BASES Conversion Development Authority (BCDA) said the Clark International Airport expansion project has reached 25% completion.
“We have accomplished 25% of the Clark International Airport project as of this date,” BCDA’s Senior Vice-President for Business Development and Operations Joshua M. Bingcang, an engineer, said in a statement Monday.
Activity on the site will now focus on the installation of a modern roof structure, which is in the process of being shipped.
The glued laminated timber (glulam) and aluminum roofing to be used for the new terminal was purchased from Austria’s Rubner Holzbau, a timber engineering firm that builds structures for industrial and commercial buildings, shopping centers, educational institutions, facilities for sports, leisure and culture, residential buildings, and hotels.
The concession holder Megawide-GMR also ordered from Italy’s ISCOM SpA a 47,000-square meter wavy roof meant to reflect the Zambales mountains.
ISCOM specializes in aluminum alloy roofs and cladding. It provided the roof of the Mactan International Airport in Cebu.
Mr. Bingcang said the materials used for the roof are rated to withstand Category 5 hurricanes.
According to BCDA, the materials will start arriving in the country in two months.
“As the next premier gateway to Asia, Clark International Airport should be designed and constructed only by the best in the world,” BCDA President and CEO Vivencio B. Dizon was quoted as saying in the statement.
The first phase of the Clark International Airport expansion project is expected to be completed by June 2020.
The government has been positioning Clark as an alternative gateway to decongest Ninoy Aquino International Airport, which has exceeded its passenger capacity. — Janina C. Lim
House targets Jan. effectivity for revised Corporation Code
THE HOUSE COMMITTEE on Good Government and Public Accountability said it hopes the Revised Corporation Code of the Philippines comes into force by January 2019 after hurdling the bicameral conference committee next month, in time for the President’s signature in December.
House Bill 8374, which will allow single-person corporations and perpetual company life, recently hurdled second reading in the chamber. Its counterpart measure, Senate Bill 1280, was approved on third reading in August.
Committee chair Xavier Jesus D. Romualdo of Camiguin said he expects the House Bill to be approved on third reading when session resumes on Nov. 12.
“Our targets then are to have the (bicameral) conference committee report approved by both chambers in November, have the bill signed into law by the President in December, and for the Revised Corporation Code to take effect by January 2019,” Mr. Romualdo said in a statement on Monday.
The bill will modernize the 38-year-old Batas Pambansa 68 or the Corporation Code of the Philippines by removing the five- to 15-person requirement for incorporators and removing the 50-year limit on corporate life.
“By updating and modernizing our main body of corporate law, the Revised Corporation Code will encourage entrepreneurship and the creation of new businesses,” Mr. Romualdo said.
The new code will also remove requirements for subscribed and paid-up capital stock for incorporation. The current code provided that “At least 25% of the authorized capital stock as stated in the articles of incorporation must be subscribed at the time of incorporation and at least 25% of the total subscription must be paid upon subscription.”
Further, the measure will also allow electronic transmittal of documents, such as the articles of incorporation, as well as certificates of incorporation issued by the Securities and Exchange Commission.
The bill also grants more powers to the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), including stiffer penalties ranging from P1,000 to P5 million. The SEC’s current powers include imposing fines of P1,000 to P10,000 and prison terms of 30 days to five years. — Charmaine A. Tadalan
Price caps for rice in force by late October
AGRICULTURE SECRETARY Emmanuel F. Piñol on Monday said the suggested retail price (SRP) scheme for rice will be implemented by the end of October.
“We will set SRPs on the last week of October. On Oct. 18, Thursday, the rice industry stakeholders will meet in my office in Quezon City to set SRPs for each variety of rice,” Mr. Piñol said in a briefing at the Palace on Monday.
He added that SRP levels can now be set since supply is ample during harvest season.
He said the harvest and the arrival of imported rice is currently exerting downward pressure on prices and domestic producers are complaining they cannot get good prices for their crop.
“We used to have a problem with consumer complaints because of high prices, but now farmers are complaining because prices for palay (unmilled rice) are falling. That’s the problem with agriculture. It’s difficult to keep (interests) in balance. You can favor the consumers and displease the farmers,” he said. — Arjay L. Balinbin
Oil’s emerging market winners and losers
SINGAPORE/NEW YORK/LAGOS — Oil prices have been creeping upwards for more than a year, quietly gaining ground as emerging-market investors fretted about trade and the end of cheap money. But now that crude is near the highest in four years, it’s suddenly a hot topic.
For energy importers, the squeeze in supply is stoking inflation, while climbing US rates lure funds from their markets.
Countries that control the pumps can use the extra cash to inoculate their economies against future fallout from Washington’s trade war with China and offset the tight domestic policy needed to keep investors keen when Treasury yields are at a seven-year high.
Whether crude hits $91 per barrel, as Citigroup Inc. says it may, or if it breaches $100, as other major oil traders suggest, no nation’s relationship to the rally is the same.
What the countries all have in common are the trade-war shock waves they face, which have buffeted the outlook for global growth and provide plenty of scope for mishaps.
Brent crude was little changed at $80.27 per barrel after trading above $85 earlier in the week. After six days of declines, developing-nation stocks climbed on Friday and currencies headed for a weekly advance.
Here’s what the view of the highest crude price in four years looks like from 14 countries across emerging markets:
LOSERS:
Turkey
The Middle East’s biggest economy has to import almost all of its oil A currency rout, inflation at a pace of almost 25%, and a president who thinks high interest rates are the wrong way to tackle price growth, make for an unenviable mix The real policy rate — the benchmark rate adjusted for inflation — fell back below zero after a surge in inflation in September; the price of crude has more than doubled in lira terms this year.
India
Oil is the weightiest import item for the world’s sixth-biggest economy, putting India among the most oil-vulnerable emerging markets, according to Bloomberg Economics data. The rupee’s plunge so far this year has made it the worst performer among its major Asian peers with a 13% slump The central bank this month removed a $750-million cap on state-run refiners for borrowing overseas in a bid to provide some relief for the rupee as the companies scramble for dollars to pay for crude.
Indonesia
Southeast Asia’s biggest economy is a net importer of fuel, but five interest-rate hikes for a total of 150 basis points has kept inflation within the central bank’s target range and eased the rupiah’s retreat The government has attempted to stem the reliance on foreign fuel, imposing import curbs and delaying some infrastructure projects Still, the currency is down about 11% this year and central bankers acknowledge there’s more work to do to prevent capital flight amid mounting global risks.
Philippines
Rice shortages, particularly after the latest natural disasters across Southeast Asia, are fanning inflation, which has quickened every month this year Of Southeast Asia’s major economies, the nation has the strongest correlation between oil and inflation for the 12 months through August, according to calculations by Bloomberg Economics’ Tamara Henderson A fourth interest-rate hike this year put the benchmark at 4.5%.
Thailand
A strong correlation between Brent crude and Thai CPI suggests this relatively unscathed market could be at risk The Bank of Thailand hasn’t moved rates since 2015 and has produced both hawkish and dovish rhetoric this year; now that the baht is weaker in the year against the dollar, oil could give a fresh push toward tightening.
Chile
Usually, this Latin American oil importer would shrug off rising prices because it’s a major copper exporter. The US-China trade war upset that balance Still, fiscal accounts remain healthy and, so far, inflation is under control.
South Africa
The nation imports most of its oil and benchmarks gasoline prices against Brent crude; the rise in prices together with a weakening currency may push inflation above the 6% upper limit of the central bank’s target range, Deputy Governor Daniel Mminele warned last week. That would make a rate increase as soon November almost inevitable, even with the economy in recession, according to Rand Merchant Bank.
WINNERS:
Saudi Arabia
The world’s largest oil exporter has emerged as a haven amid this year’s emerging-market rout with the correlation between stocks and Brent at the strongest in 15 months The government announced plans this month to increase spending in 2019 more than initially forecast. But Brent is still below $88 a barrel, the price the biggest Arab economy needs to balance its budget this year and the kingdom is pursuing multi-billion dollar plans to wean itself from oil Crude is higher than the so-called break even prices for Kuwait, Oman, Qatar and United Arab Emirates, but Bahrain, which is getting $10 billion in aid from its Gulf allies, needs crude at $113 a barrel this year to balance its budget.
Malaysia
The net energy exporter is getting a boost from higher oil even as economists and investors question the new government’s budgeting The nation’s prized palm oil exports are also being helped by the growing price of crude, which increases the demand for biofuel.
Nigeria
The OPEC member stands to gain from the oil rally after international reserves fell to their lowest in seven months amid the emerging-market rout If central bank Governor Godwin Emefiele’s prediction this month is accurate and Brent stays above $80 a barrel for the rest of the year, it will help keep the naira stable and curb inflation currently running at about 11%.
Brazil
While the currency of this top-10 oil exporter typically rises with crude, the real slid this year amid a corruption scandal and the most polarizing presidential election in decades Investors are hoping the correlation will return on positive sentiment after investor favorite Jair Bolsonaro took a commanding lead in the first round of the vote.
Argentina
Argentina’s sizable oil and gas reserves are overshadowed these days by stumbling growth and runaway inflation The country last month announced it’s planning to cut subsidies for some producers of natural gas in a bid to balance the budget.
Mexico
Despite being an oil producer, Mexico has had to import refined products, and higher prices are hurting external accounts. Carlos Trevino, CEO of state-owned oil firm Pemex, recently said a string of production declines show no signs of abating this year and that it will miss targets “considerably”.
Russia
The budget of the world’s top energy exporter is fortified by higher oil prices, but there’s little trickle-through to consumers, the main economic-growth driver, who are being hit by shrinking incomes and quickening inflation Still, officials are running a tight ship: the Finance Ministry saves oil revenue above $40 per barrel and the central bank increased the key interest rate for the first time in four years While the possibility of US sanctions is lifting borrowing costs, Russia’s strong balance sheet means it has no urgent need to tap the market. — Bloomberg
Planting season adjustment eyed to minimize storm damage
AGRICULTURE SECRETARY Emmanuel F. Piñol said that the department is in talks with the irrigation agency to facilitate adjustments to the planting calendar in order to minimize typhoon damage to farms in northern Luzon in September and October.
Mr. Piñol told reporters on Monday: “Our projection is by 2019, we will be able to improve (the harvest). In principle, we are in discussions with NIA (National Irrigation Administration) to adjust the planting calendar to account for typhoons hitting Northern Luzon in September and October”
“We might be forced to adjust the planting calendar to make sure the harvest season ends early September, to avoid the worst of the typhoons, which are now arriving earlier in the year due to climate change.” He said in typical years the most damaging storms arrive in October and November.
The Department of Agriculture estimates crop damage of P26.7 billion in September from farms in Regions 1 to 4A, and the Cordillera Administrative Region, due to typhoon Ompong (international name: Mangkhut).
Mr. Piñol said that because of it, the Philippines might fail to meet the targeted palay production of 19.8 million metric tons (MT) for this year.
“We are not seeing a very good picture given the Ompong damage, although it would still be better than the 2017 harvest,” Mr. Piñol said. The government recorded 19.28 million MT of palay production last year.
In an interview with BusinessWorld, science research specialist 2 Rolando O. Abad of the Environmental Management Bureau (EMB) of the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) said that a change in cultivation practices would help the agriculture sector adjust to climate change and also reduce its impact on climate change due to greenhouse gases emitted by the sector.
“Greenhouse gas emissions from agriculture are high — about 30% of the total. For rice, that promotes the build up of water. When it rains, the biomass of rice under water emits methane,” Mr. Abad said.
Mr. Abad said improved irrigation systems would help decrease the contribution of agriculture to climate change, particularly a system that uses less water.
He said improved irrigation using less water can bring about ”alternate wetting and drying instead of continuous soaking of rice fields.”
Mr. Abad also said that farmers may resort to varieties of rice that require less water during the dry season or flood-resistant varieties during the wet season. — Reicelene Joy N. Ignacio
LGUs urged to develop wet market cold storage
THE National Meat Inspection Service (NMIS) said it will seek to boost cold storage facilities in wet markets in cooperation with local government units (LGUs) to prevent meat from being rejected on inspection.
In an interview during the agency’s 46th anniversary, NMIS Executive Director Ernesto S. Gonzales told reporters: “Imports are usually frozen, and wet markets have problems with frozen meat because we don’t have enough facilities.”
According to Mr. Gonzales, many imported pork products are being confiscated because there are no refrigerators to store frozen meat products in wet markets.
The government is planning to allow agricultural goods to be imported more freely as a measure to contain rising prices, although the lack of cold storage could prove to be a bottleneck for goods like frozen meat.
“Our target is to convince LGUs to set up facilities in the markets,” Mr. Gonzales said, citing the example of wet markets in Davao.
In his speech, Mr. Gonzales said that the NMIS confiscated 10,714.51 kilograms of various types of meat in 87 operations.
Mr. Gonzales noted that imports could bring down the cost of goods but the Philippines needs to have the capability to produce its own.
“We have to be competitive to bring down prices. The problem with imports, although they are definitely cheaper, is what happens to the domestic meat industry?,” Mr. Gonzales said.
Mr. Gonzales also said that NMIS will gather provincial and city veterinarians in November to develop standards for local meat inspection services. The agency is also looking forward to expanding the small-scale meat and poultry industry. — Reicelene Joy N. Ignacio
Handling tax assessments
So, you received that dreaded letter from the Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) notifying you of a tax audit. If you are like some people, you will probably start having heart palpitations and cold sweats. For some, going through a BIR tax audit is worse than visiting the gynecologist or proctologist for an annual check-up. At least with the latter, you know that the episode will definitely end after a few minutes or within an hour, at most.
When you have finally managed to calm down and breathe normally, you should reread the letter of authority and start planning your reply and compliance. Hopefully, your record keeping and your tax practices have been meticulous and correct. Now is not the time to panic. Despite your initial reaction, undergoing a BIR tax audit does not have to be a harrowing experience, if you follow some of these tips.
Be prepared. Treat the BIR assessment like you would a board exam. You do not waltz into a board exam without sufficient preparation.
Assess the amount of work needed. This will depend on the amount of man hours that will be needed to collate the documents and prepare the reconciliations for the BIR. Can you devote the time by yourself, or do you need to gather a team that will handle the BIR assessment as a special project? It is also important to designate a lead person who will coordinate with the BIR to ensure the proper flow of communication.
Ensure that the officers of the company are aware of the progress of the assessment. You will need their support through the assessment process. Do not keep this to yourself, as it is important to enrol the help of key individuals in the organization.
Expect the BIR to visit your office to inspect your documents. If possible, designate a room or area where the BIR examiners can examine your papers without being bothered by the comings and goings in the office.
Ensure that your documents and accounting records are intact. You will notice that the BIR letter contains a list of documents that are required to be submitted. The list is long and may require you to sweep through cobwebs to locate documents that have not seen the light of day in a long time. Start collecting them as soon as possible and prepare them for submission within the time stated in the letter.
If you need more time to submit all the required documents, try submitting what you have collated before asking for a time extension to submit. In certain cases, the BIR may grant your request for an extension of time to submit the documents.
A reliable filing system is important. It is not enough to follow the BIR rules on how long you are supposed to keep documents. It is equally important to have a system that allows you to locate a document when needed. A warehouse full of documents is useless if you cannot find the documents the BIR requires.
In many of the assessment cases that I have handled as a tax lawyer, most of the BIR findings can be cancelled by presenting factual and legal explanations. The initial assessments can start at a huge amount, at hundreds of millions even. When the reconciliations are presented, however, more than 90% of the findings can be explained. This is because the BIR assessment process picks up natural differences in the documents they examine. For example, the BIR may pick up the difference between the gross sales in the income tax return and the gross sale declared in the value-added tax (VAT) return. They can slap you with either an income tax assessment or a VAT assessment on the difference, classifying the difference is undeclared sales. The difference, however, is most likely due to a timing difference in recognizing gross sales for these two type of taxes. If your company is engaged in the sale of services, for instance, income tax is computed on accrual basis, while your VAT sales are on a cash basis.
Hopefully, the remaining 10% have a good legal explanations that will allow you to fully cancel the assessment.
Never ignore notices and letters from the BIR. Never ignore a request to submit documents from the BIR. It is essential to show your willingness to cooperate during the assessment process. But more importantly, ignoring BIR letters can lead to dire consequences. Ignore the request for documents three times, and you may find yourself faced with a criminal case, which can be a bigger problem than the BIR assessment you were originally handling.
BIR notices are not like spam e-mail that can be deleted as soon as you see them in your mailbox. Some notices must be replied to, or they will make the assessment final, executory, and demandable.
Know the procedural and technical rules. We hate being technical, but that is essentially what an assessment process is. There are procedural and technical rules that must be followed. The assessment process has three main stages: the informal conference, the preliminary assessment, and the final assessment.
After examining your documents and records, the BIR examiner will issue a Notice for Informal Conference, giving you a chance to present documents and reconciliations explaining why the initials findings of the BIR should be cancelled. If, despite your presentation of explanation and documents, the examiner is not convinced, the Informal Conference shall be concluded.
The examiner shall proceed with the issuance of the Preliminary Assessment Notice (PAN). Upon receipt of the PAN, you should submit your reply within 15 days. Again, the reply shall contain reconciliations and explanations why the assessment must be cancelled partially or fully. If the BIR disagrees with your explanations, the BIR shall issue the Formal Letter of Demand and Final Assessment Notice (FLD/FAN), calling for the payment of the deficiency tax liability, inclusive of the applicable penalties.
If you do not agree with the findings in the FLD/FAN, submit a protest within 30 days from receipt thereof by filing either a request for reconsideration or a request for reinvestigation. It is important to remember that the 30-day period is not extendible. Failure to file a protest will make the assessment final, executory, and demandable.
If the protest is denied, in whole or in part, by the Commissioner’s duly authorized representative, you may either: (i) appeal to the Court of Tax Appeals (CTA) within 30 days from the date of receipt of the said decision; or (ii) elevate your protest through a request for reconsideration to the Commissioner within 30 days from the date of receipt of the said decision. Again, failure to act after receiving the decision within the 30-day period will make the assessment final, executory, and demandable.
You also need to check the date when the FAN was issued. It could have been issued past the three-year prescription date. Hence, any FAN issued is already prescribed, and you can cite such prescription as a defense against the assessment. Take note that prescription dates for the different types of taxes being examined may differ. Again, technical rules are important to determine when the prescription will set in.
In the tax assessment process, knowing the rules and possible defenses is half the battle. If you want to find out more about how to handle a BIR tax assessment, you may be interested in attending our seminar, Know your rights: Rules on BIR Tax Assessment and Recent Trends. The seminar will be held on Oct. 26 from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. at the Holiday Inn & Suites in Makati. For more details, call +632 988 22 88 (ext. 521).
Eleanor Lucas Roque is the head of the Tax Advisory and Compliance Division of P&A Grant Thornton. P&A Grant Thornton is one of the leading audit, tax, advisory, and outsourcing services firms in the Philippines.
Finding the Next Legs of the Economy
All is not well with the economy and I am compelled to sound the alarm on imminent risks.
Fact is, the country’s four major dollar earners are all on a downward trend and this has caused the country to register unprecedented current account deficits (dollar shortfalls in our monetary transactions with the world). Without new dollar earners, we will be left with no recourse but to finance this deficit with debts — debts we will be hard-pressed to pay in years to come.
Exports have been on a steady decline due to the double whammy of softening global markets and our inability to attract enough foreign investments in the manufacturing-export sector to compensate for it. The BPO industry is softening as well with growth decelerating from 17% for the period covering 2012-2016 to only 8% from 2017 to 2018. This is due to artificial intelligence replacing voice-based BPO services and less BPO firms coming into the Philippines. Even the manufacturing sector is decelerating from double-digit growth to just 5.6% in the second quarter of the year.
As for our ever-reliable source of foreign exchange revenues, OFW remittance, it too is decelerating. From an average growth of 7.9% from 2013 to 2015, it has slowed to just 3.9% in the last three years. The repatriation of thousands of OFWs from the Middle East this year will further erode revenues.
The abovementioned sectors are considered the “legs” of the economy. They are the dollar earners and job generators that keep the country afloat. The fact that they are all trending downward should worry us all, especially since it is happening at a time when our imports are growing at double-digit rates. As I said, if no new dollar-earning industries are developed, we will have no choice but to finance this deficit with debt.
It is already happening. The Department of Finance recently announced its plan to borrow a whopping $22.4 billion to finance its spending plan for 2019. This is on top of the $16.75 it is borrowing this year. Public debt will likely top $165 billion by the end of 2019, a far cry from just $115.6 billion when President Duterte assumed office.
As far as our trade gap (exports minus imports) is concerned, it has already ballooned to $26 billion as of the end of August, 64% higher than it was in the same period last year. Our current account is seen to post a deficit of $9.8 billion by yearend, three times larger than BSP’s targets.
INDUSTRIAL LEGACIES
Each administration has left the country with an industrial legacy. The Ramos administration developed the electronics industry, the Arroyo administration saw the rapid expansion of the BPO industry, and the Aquino administration fostered the age of manufacturing resurgence and infrastructure development through PPP.
For its part, the Duterte administration is banking on infrastructure development to drive the economy. This is a problem. Infrastructure development, by itself, is only an enabler of economic productivity, not a driver of it. Granted, infrastructure development will ignite growth through increased public spending and job creation while infrastructure projects are being constructed, but they yield no DIRECT economic benefits once the projects are completed.
The Duterte administration needs to develop new industries to balance the budget and drive economic growth for the medium to long term.
Some argue that shipbuilding, chemicals, machinery and computers, and mineral product are poised to be the next legs of the economy. Problem is, none of these industries have the potential to compete, head to head, with the top-tier manufacturers in their field. For instance, it would be a stretch to think that the Philippines could compete with Germany, China or Japan in chemicals. Neither can we compete with the US in machinery and computers.
We need to develop industries where we can be the global leader, if not a credible challenger.
POTENTIAL LEGS
After much thought and consultation, I put forward three industries which I believe have the potential to be the economy’s new legs. They are tourism, agro-industrial manufacturing, and multimedia content.

Let’s talk about tourism first. Tourism is a low-hanging fruit, given the pent-up demand for inbound travel to the Philippines. To be a tourism powerhouse requires two essentials — infrastructure and absorption capacity. The latter refers to having enough lodging and dining options, tour operators, transport operators, retail establishments, and the like.
The good news is that the government is already addressing the infrastructure backlog in the tourism sector. Soon to join the newly inaugurated airports in Mactan, Lagundian, Puerto Princesa, and Iloilo are new international gateways in Clark (the new terminal), Panglao, and Bacolod. In terms of road connectivity, the DPWH is now constructing 6,480 kilometers of roads within 49 tourism clusters across the country.
Foreign visitors will likely surpass the 7.4 million target this year and onwards to 12 million by 2022. But we should not be content with this. Lessons can be learned from Japan which has increased inward travel by 333% from 2011 to 2017. The quantum leap was achieved by relaxing visa requirements, aggressive expansion of aviation route networks and expansion of absorption capacities. Japan will welcome 40 million visitors by 2020.
For those unaware, agro-industrial manufacturing involves the processing of agricultural products into finished goods with higher value-added. This could come in the form of ready-to-eat products; canned, boxed or bottled consumables; cooking ingredients; and frozen/dehydrated produce. Agro-industries do not require high technology. Its competitive and differential advantage lies in the indigenous raw material used. Products using raw materials derived from marine sources, coconuts, sugarcane, and tropical fruits are potential export winners for the Philippines.
The Philippines exported $4.7 billion worth of processed food in 2017 while Thailand exported $33.11 billion. Considering that both nations possess similar indigenous products, the disparity in export numbers gives us an idea of the size of the market and how much we are losing out. The opportunities are enormous.
To succeed in this field requires close collaboration between the government and the private sector. For its part, the government must drive down the cost of agricultural and marine products and interisland shipping. In addition (and this often overlooked), government must also provide local producers with access to high-quality, affordable, quarantine-compliant packaging materials.
In other words, government must make it more profitable for the private sector to manufacture food products rather than simply importing them.
On the private sector’s part, those involved in agro-industries must work smart. Knowing that it will take time (if at all) for local produce and logistic cost to become as cheap as they are in Thailand, our producers must focus on areas in which they can derive a variety or quality advantage.
I am reminded of Spain and how it has been in stiff competition with Italy and Greece in the exportation of olive oil and canned tomatoes back in the ’60s and ’70s. Its solution, to promote products that are uniquely Spanish such as chorizos, jamón, canned cocido and the like. The fact that Spain exports more than $90 billion worth of food products is proof of the strategy’s success. In other words, since it was hard-pressed to compete in one category, it created new ones. This is what I mean by working smart.
Multimedia content is an entirely new field which I think is not even in the radar of the Department of Trade and Industry. Multimedia content involves the exportation of pop music, movies and television. Korea is a supreme example of a nation that succeeded in the pop music field. India has succeeded in cinema while Mexico is the challenger to the United States in as far as television content is concerned.
There is no denying the Filipino’s natural inclination for the arts. The fact that Filipinos are the mainstay entertainers in almost every hotel and cruise ship around the world is testament to this. Harnessing this talent and marketing it to a global audience could prove to be a lucrative dollar earner for the Philippines, as K-Pop, Bollywood and Telemundo are to their base countries.
To succeed in multimedia requires many levels of collaboration from both the government and private sector. Due to its complexity, I will save that discussion for another piece. Suffice it to say that multimedia is an area we can exploit.
In summary, the Philippines can succeed in tourism, agro-industrial manufacturing and multimedia content because there exists a convergence of talent and inherent competitive advantages. These inherent competitive advantage come in the form of the natural beauty of our landscapes, the fruits of our land and seas as well as our unique culture which is a mix of Asian, Hispanic and American.
The Duterte administration must seriously think about the state of our finances and its industrial legacy. Without new industries in development, its only legacy will be a mountain of debt.
Andrew J. Masigan is an economist
Why the hype on the Communist threat?
One of the lies told by Juan Ponce Enrile in that pathetic video interview by Bongbong Marcos was that Bongbong’s father imposed martial law to save the country from the Communist threat. Actually, he imposed martial law to retain power beyond 1973 when his second term was to expire.
In 1971, it had become obvious that Marcos’s reelection to a second term had not satisfied his ambitions and that he had decided to extend by any means his stay in office beyond the end of his second term. The suspicion gained credence when Marcos began to bribe and manipulate the delegates to the 1971 Constitutional Convention to approve the shift from a presidential, two-chamber legislature form of government to a parliamentary one. Such a system allowed Marcos, as leader of the majority party, to continue to rule as prime minister.
But not certain that the people would ratify his desired constitution, Marcos began to talk more frequently about the growing threat of Communist insurgency. He also hinted that disgruntled elements of the military had linked up with leftist organizations with the objective of toppling his government. Many professional military officers were grousing over the appointment to choice assignments of political protégés and the accelerated promotion of well-connected junior officers like Irwin Ver.
When a spate of violent incidents occurred in scattered areas in the metropolitan area, Marcos quickly attributed them to the rebel forces, justifying his earlier warnings, and hinting at the necessity of his using emergency powers that the 1935 Constitution provided. The September torrential rains in 1972 inundated most of Central Luzon, the breadbasket of the country, driving up the prices of basic commodities. The consequent impact of the devastation on the economy aggravated severely the political stock of the already unpopular Marcos.
So, in the first hour of September 23, 1972, he imposed martial law.
But journalist and historian Stanley Karnow wrote in his book on US-Philippine relations, In Our Image, that the alleged Communist incidents had been concocted by Marcos himself. Here are excerpts from the chapter “Conjugal Autocracy”:
“Actually, he (US Ambassador Henry Byroade) had known for at least a year that Marcos was jockeying to cling to power after his term expired in 1973. Marcos had been maneuvering to promulgate a new constitution that would enable him to run again. Meanwhile he was hyping up a Communist threat as a pretext to retain power. He had disclosed his objective to Byroade: Marcos alone could cope with the Communist situation.
“Byroade had been informed by his CIA station chief, who had impeccable sources, that many of the alleged Communist incidents had in fact been concocted by Marcos as an excuse to crack down on his political rivals, most notably Ninoy Aquino, the probable candidate for the presidency in 1973.”
In 2006, it had become obvious that Gloria Arroyo’s dubious election to a term up to 2010 had not satisfied her ambitions and that she had decided to extend her stay in office by any means beyond the end of her second term. She formed a constitutional consultative body, in contravention to law, and designated to it people who were known advocates of a parliamentary system and sycophants who would do her every bidding. As expected, the consultative body came up with a draft constitution tailored according to her designs. In a parliamentary system, there would be no time limit to the rule of the prime minister, and no Senate to obstruct the program of the prime minister.
Around that time elements of the New People’s Army conducted lightning raids on military posts in the provinces. Then Justice Secretary Raul Gonzalez claimed he had seen intelligence reports that rebellious junior military officers planned to launch a coup and that communist rebels might be part of their attempt. He said that rebel soldiers were working with the New People’s Army.
Then National Security Adviser Norberto Gonzales disclosed that there was an assassination plot against the President which according to him could be carried out by the opposition, the rebel military officers, or communist elements. The AFP leadership had also acknowledged that there was an “orchestrated” plot to unseat President Arroyo.
A military analyst warned that an increasingly politicized military was headed for a crisis following the appointment of generals suspected of having had a hand in the cheating in the elections of 2004, in disregard of the recommendation of the board of generals.
Continuous rains flooded most of Central Luzon and of Isabela, raising the price of commodities coming from those areas. The rise in the price of oil in the world market, the dwindling remittances of dollars of OFWs, and the imposition of an additional two and half percent of VAT had a severe effect on the purchasing power of the masses, provoking street protests and disrupting peace and order.
President Arroyo considered declaring martial law but according to documents released by WikiLeaks, then US Chargé d’Affaires Paul Jones had told Arroyo that Washington did not believe that circumstances prevailing in the Philippines at the time justified extreme measures. Another set of documents from WikiLeaks also revealed that visiting US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Southeast Asia Eric John had warned Arroyo that “the invocation of emergency measures could trigger a review of US defense-related and other assistance to the Philippines.”
Arroyo’s Communist scare tactic to justify her use of emergency powers in 2006 was foiled by the US State Department.
President Rodrigo Duterte does not seem deterred by Arroyo’s failure to declare an “emergency situation” in the entire country using the old Communist threat ploy. He is using the same Communist bogey to justify what many believe to be his determination to declare martial law all over the land, especially now that more and more people are calling him out for the alarming rise in the number of extrajudicial killings, the soaring prices of basic goods and services, and his brazen persecution of his detractors.
In late September Gen. Carlito Galvez Jr., Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, revealed that Communist Party of the Philippines founder Jose Maria Sison had hatched a plan to oust the President.
On Oct. 3, Brig. Gen. Antonio Parlade Jr., assistant deputy chief of staff for operations, revealed that 18 colleges and universities have been infiltrated by the Communist Party of the Philippines. He said that in line with the Red October plot to oust President Duterte, the CPP would be executing five plans, namely, “Supermarket,” “Casino,” “Tabasco,” “Bulldozer” and “Hades.”
According to him, under Supermarket, communist rebels will attack stations of the Philippine National Police and military detachments on the ground. Casino is aimed at military intelligence units. But last week, Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana said the Red October plot has been neutralized. “It’s no longer existent. It fizzled out because we uncovered and exposed it,” he said. I wonder if Uncle Sam had stayed Tatay Digong from declaring martial law.
A real threat to the country is the Islamic State. We need defense-related software and hardware assistance to keep the IS off our shores. Uncle Sam extended that assistance during the IS siege of Marawi City. Tatay Digong has to maintain good relations with Uncle Sam. To accomplish that he must dispel all thoughts of declaring martial law nationwide.
Oscar P. Lagman, Jr. is a member of Manindigan!, a cause-oriented group of businessmen, professionals, and academics.
oplagman@yahoo.com
The efficacy of oversight functions of independent directors
Since the Securities Regulation Code’s (SRC) promulgation, there have arisen many issues regarding the rationale or efficacy of the system of independent directors (IDs), with passionate advocates on both sides of the debate.
• Confrontational Role of IDs Not Consistent with Filipino Culture
We shall first discuss and dispose-off the “cultural criticism” against the system of IDs, which holds that the system promotes a culture of confrontation within PHC Boards, which supposedly is contrary to the Asian culture of non-confrontation or which operates under a system of “smooth interpersonal relationship.”
In a study conducted by Professor Victor S. Limlingan for the Asian Institute of Management (AIM), he concluded that the appointment of IDs to company Boards is “irrelevant, ineffective and immaterial” to our corporate setting and recommended that the regulators shift to the “more harmonious” corporate governance system espoused by the Japanese. His main point in the study is that “The American good governance model is not applicable to the Philippines. The Western system is more confrontational while the eastern is more harmonious. The idea of having oversight bodies is basically adversarial. What we need are advisory bodies.”
Indeed, by definition of the ID under the SRC as “a person other than an officer or employee of the corporation, its parent or subsidiaries, or any other individual having a relationship with the corporation, which would interfere with the exercise of independent judgment in carrying out the responsibilities of a director,” the presumption is that all other directors are unlikely to be in a position to exercise independent judgment; that only IDs are “above suspicion.” Therefore, the ID’s primary duty would be to place the other directors on the path of independent thinking and decision making; or in essence, to be effective “fiscalizers” in the Board which acts under a supposedly constant threat of conflict-of-interest situations. The point of this criticism is that any system adopted that is inconsistent with the cultural underpinning to which it is placed is doomed to fail.
We believe that the “cultural criticism” has very little merit. Firstly, our culture is imbued with a sense of confrontation when based on principles of good governance, whether in the private or public sectors, as borne out by the sacrifice of our heroes during the Spanish, American and Japanese dominance of the Philippines, our EDSA revolutions against Presidents who were dictators or perceived as corrupt, the confrontational manner by which congressional hearings are held to ferret out corruption or inefficiency in government, our press which continuous to be one of the freest in Asia, as well as our people’s predisposition towards litigation in resolving issues.
Secondly, our corporate system is patterned exactly after the US corporate system, down to its common-law doctrines, and therefore the system of corporate governance as evolved in the US, including the system of IDs, fits well into the Philippine corporate system. In fact, the corporate governance reforms began in the developed countries as a reaction to Board passivism against overbearing Management headed by a strong CEO.
Although it is true that the system of IDs was first instituted in “widely-held companies” to allow an independent check on the professional management of a corporation in behalf of the scattered shareholders, the system has proven itself a workable check even in “controlled companies,” against corporate opportunism by the majority stockholders who have control of the Board.
Thirdly, since the publication of Mr. Limlingan’s work in 2002, the Japanese system of “harmonious corporate governance system” has proven to be unworkable for a sustained corporate governance reform movement and has proved to be fatal to Japan’s recovery program. In fact, Japanese companies are currently aggressively seeking to increase IDs among listed companies to ensure better corporate governance.
• Diluting the Sense of Responsibility to the Corporation and Its Various Stakeholders
The foremost objection to assigning the role “to exercise independent judgment” to IDs of PHCs is that it seems to imply that regular directors do not have the personal means to exercise such function, or, worse, that they are not mandated to exercise independent judgment for the benefit of the company and all its stockholders, to whom they all equally hold fiduciary duties of diligence and loyalty. The criticism avers that the system of IDs specifically mandated to exercise independent judgment tends to dilute the system of Board responsibility towards the corporation, its stockholders and other stakeholders, since such responsibility is seen to shift primarily on the shoulders of the minority IDs.
The well-established principle in Corporate Law is that all directors owe fiduciary duties to the corporation and all its stockholders, and not just to the constituencies who elected them into office. This is true even with directors who were elected through cumulative voting — such minority directors are expected to exercise independent judgment for the best interest of the corporation and all its stockholders, and not just the minority stockholders who voted them into office.
• Presumptuous That Only IDs Can Exercise Independent Judgment
The third criticism is that the system of ID presumes rather strangely, that only technically-defined IDs can exercise independent judgment on corporate matters, and that the logical extension of such reasoning is that all other directors are not predisposed to exercise independent judgment. If that were the case, it is rather strange that IDs are constituted always as a minority (20%) in the Boards of PHCs, and therefore would always be outvoted by the majority who are supposedly not capable of independent judgment, or who would act for the benefit, or to cover up the shortcomings, of management. In any event, the entire Board of Directors of every covered company is expected to act independently, especially of the Management, which is the one accountable to the Board.
Critics supporting this position raise the questions, “When IDs sit in the Boards of Directors of PHCs, for whose benefit are they supposed to exercise their business judgment?” and, “If all regular IDs are supposed to act for the benefit of the corporation and all the stakeholders, then what ‘greater’ or ‘other interests’ are the IDs supposed to champion?”
Since all directors are duty-bound to act in the best interests of the corporation and its stockholders, then the only area left for IDs in their special role is to protect the interest of the State or the government (which created their office) or to the “greater public” other than those members of the public who already qualify as stakeholders. This creates an anomalous situation, for the State bears no proprietary interests in the business enterprise of PHCs except to the extent that it should be carried on for the public good, which the State should fulfill through its regulatory powers. This rather hazy supra-fiduciary duty of IDs would make them truly “independent” of any ultimate principal, since the “greater public” interests do not really create any principal to whom they could be accountable, except to the extent defined by the IDs themselves. Under such setting, they are accountable only to themselves and what they may think is the “greater good” in the corporate world. We would then have a situation where there is a fiduciary position (whether as a trustee or as an agent) without a beneficiary; and, consequently, no real accountability to anybody.
The only measurable special function of the ID is to exercise independent judgment “for the benefit of the corporation and the various stakeholders.” If this be so, then IDs merely duplicate the function of non-executive directors.
• Dubious Quasi-Public Role of the ID
The fourth criticism is that the underlying presumption in the corporate setting is that the IDs are supposed to be non-partisan; they do not owe any sector within the corporate setting a particular form of loyalty; and that their chief function is to be loyal only to a “corporate truth” or to the ideals of “good corporate governance.”
Such a purported role of the ID is in contrast to that of a regular director who must necessarily be partisan to well-identified constituencies, on whom the law imposes fiduciary obligations: the corporation, the stockholders, and now other stakeholders under the stakeholder theory. The position of ID is therefore equated to a “quasi-public” office, equivalent to those occupied by independent auditors and perhaps even credit rating companies, whose work of certification is supposed to constitute independent work which can be relied upon by the government and the public as a disinterested source of gauging the financial standing or credit worthiness of companies or securities, as the case may be.
Such quasi-public characterization of the office of ID is contrary to the very essence of the nature and function of the Board of Directors: it is the agency constituted by the Corporation Code to directly manage the corporate business enterprise and to exercise all of the corporation’s powers. By the very nature of their function, the Board and its directors are held to be partisan for the benefit of the corporation and their constituencies for whose benefits directors have been imposed with fiduciary duties and obligations. Under the doctrine of maximization of investors’ value, directors are supposed to be “die-hard fiduciaries” for the corporation and its investors to the exclusion of other interest, and to the extent they do not violate the law and contravene public policy.
• IDs Eventually Get Coopted into the Controlling Stockholders’ Circle of Influence
The most enduring area of opposition to the system of IDs is the position that purports that the system of IDs would legally and practically exclude from their ranks leading experts and professionals in the field, business or industry engaged in by the publicly-held company they serve. Consequently, the only individuals who would qualify to be nominated and elected into the Board of PHCs are “strangers” to, and who would essentially be “lightweights” in the industry to which they are supposed to exercise business judgment. It is then argued that potentially, IDs would be hard-put at being effective contributors in the Board dynamics, based on two critical areas of importance: competence and remuneration-dependence.
The SRC implementing rules on disqualifications for IDs would qualify very few competent individuals for IDs since they would most likely have business or professional dealings in the industry where the PHC operates. The really remaining competent candidates for independent directorship would be few, and would thereby become expensive commodities. The other individuals who would qualify may be just starting on their careers and have not become too spread-out in the industry network as to be “disqualified,” or are individuals who come from outside the industry. In either case, such IDs may lack the moral and professional influence for their views to carry much weight in Board discussions.
In fact, being placed in the board situation where some of the captains and leading practitioners in the industry sit as non-independent directors may just literally place IDs into very passive roles, afraid to open their mouths and expose their ignorance of the intricacies of the industry and the operations of the company; and then the only real measure of how they have been “independent” is the near-silent posture they have taken during the fiscal year.
Ultimately, earning their upkeep from per diems and remuneration (if any) from the Boards they serve, and that their continued professional growth as IDs would be dependent on being able to keep their directorship position in the PHC, the ID would never feel the financial freedom that is so essential for their statutorily-mandated role; and in the tradition of the agency capture syndrome, they begin to consciously or unconsciously align their professional judgment along with the group that butters their bread.
The article reflects the personal opinion of the author and does not reflect the official stand of the Management Association of the Philippines or the MAP.
Cesar L. Villanueva is the Vice Chair of the Corporate Governance Committee of the MAP, the Founding Partner of the Villanueva Gabionza & Dy Law Offices, and the former Chair of the Governance Commission for GOCCs (GCG).
cvillanueva@vgslaw.com
map@map.org.ph
http://map.org.ph

