Political Dynasties: To ban or not to ban?

By Nicomedes Alviar

EVEN in democratic societies, power eventually ends up in the hands of a few, leading inevitably to a dominant elite rule. With absolute certainty, Robert Michels, a German-born social scientist, declared this claim as the “iron law of oligarchy.” Moreover, these oligarchs — according to Michels — will use all the means necessary to preserve and to further expand their power. Such a bold theoretical assertion is actually a stark reality in our country as we seem to have accepted as given the proliferation of political dynasties at both the national and local levels of government. And in such a state of politics, the opportunities for corruption abound. For example, we are now seeing how political dynasties connive with Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) engineers so that infrastructure projects are awarded to construction companies they own.

While we are all disgusted witnessing the evils of political dynasties, the damage they inflict on our democratic institutions and processes, and how they exacerbate social inequalities and poverty, we have to admit that we will have to contend with political dynasties for a very long time. Sad to say, political dynasties which thrive due to distorted cultural values, particularly the patronage system, have entrenched themselves deeply in a combination of political and economic structures developed throughout several decades to protect their interests and consolidate their power.

The quick solution is clearly stated in Article 2, section 26 of the current Constitution which “prohibits political dynasties as may be defined by law.” But we all know that implementing this provision is wishful thinking because our political dynasty-infested Congress will never pass that enabling law. It is naive to imagine our legislators signing their death sentence. Besides, if we ban political dynasties outrightly through a piece of legislation, it will not be easy to find alternatives who can take over their rule right away. Who will replace them in the various localities all over the country? Do we have enough people now with the right dispositions who are ready and competent to run government in lieu of political dynasties?

I believe the practical approach — given our current circumstances — is to engage with political dynasties and to reform them from within. And here, various sectors have different roles to play, not necessarily coordinated, but which must be exercised with genuine and sustained commitment. In the first place, the business sector can be more consistent in upholding professional and ethical standards when transacting with government and politicians. I’m sure the big conglomerates as well as the small enterprises would agree that business is more sustainable and meaningfully profitable if done in this manner. And in relation to this, it is worth noting that the progressive leadership of the Makati Business Club has committed itself to leading top corporations to do their share in strengthening the country’s democratic institutions, promote integrity, and fight corruption.

Then, religious institutions can take a more active role in instilling morals, love for the truth, and service to society among the political dynasties. In the case of the Catholic Church particularly, the bishops of the dioceses all over the country can make it a point to cultivate close relationships with political dynasties instead of taking a confrontational stance, in order to win them over in practicing Catholic social teachings, especially solidarity, common good, and a preferential option for the poor.

Universities must take to heart the education of individuals belonging to political dynasties as their paramount mission. Many members of the ruling families went through the Big Four, and are sending their scions to these same schools. With the aim of fostering patriotism, integrity, and genuine public service, these institutions can still exert influence through various ways on both their alumni, and the children of these alumni. While students in their schools, they can be involved actively in organizations and activities to be trained — and even be individually mentored — in ethical and selfless leadership.

Finally, civil society organizations conducting diverse projects in the fields of poverty alleviation, environmental protection, livelihood provision, health and sanitation, citizenship education, human rights, etc. can get political dynasties in LGUs involved and, in the process, immerse them to be truly identified with their causes. With integrity as one of its core values, CODE-NGO for instance, through its wide national network representing 1,600 NGOs, people’s organizations, and cooperatives can be in a good position to take the lead in engaging political dynasties towards this end.

These, of course, are easier said than done, but any little effort by these actors, if carried out consistently, can yield tangible results. Confronting political dynasties head-on can be costly and dangerous; engaging with them can open opportunities to reform them.

The good news is that there are actually enlightened politicians belonging to political dynasties who have started implementing effective and meaningful reforms in their localities. We find them in Mayors for Good Governance (M4GG), a movement of city executives “committed to fighting corruption and building resilient communities through empowered local governments that put people’s welfare above politics.” Many of these politicians have been recognized for being models of good governance through the annual Galing Pook awards which have been going on for more than three decades. Here, programs by LGU leaders, after a rigorous screening process, are evaluated on the basis of positive impact, promotion of people’s empowerment, sustainability, and efficient service delivery.

To ban political dynasties is a long shot; reforming political dynasties is doable, and is actually happening.

Nicomedes Alviar is a PhD Political Science graduate of the University of the Philippines, Diliman, and is currently the dean of the School of Politics and Governance at the University of Asia and the Pacific (UA&P).